India for greater female participation in UN peace efforts

Posted:Jan 30, 2015 

         

  

By Arul Louis

 

United Nations, Jan 31: To protect women caught in conflicts, India has called for greater female participation in UN peace efforts and a broader approach that focuses on "peacebuilding" rather than concentrating on traditional peacekeeping operations.

 

India's Permanent Representative Asoke Kumar Mukerji told the Security Council Friday: "The participation of women in all aspects of the prevention and resolution of conflicts is an important policy measure which the Council should encourage while mandating peace operations."

 

Speaking in a debate on protecting civilians in armed conflict, he drew on Indian women's participation in peacekeeping operations and said, "Our experience in Liberia showed that the actual requirements for addressing issues confronting women in armed conflict were related to the concept of peacebuilding, rather than peacekeeping."

 

A representative of non-governmental organizations (NGO), who was invited by the Council to speak about the issues facing women, said the UN should increase the number of women staff in peacekeeping operations, in both military and police components. Ilwad Elman of the NGO Working Group On Women, Peace and Security said that when there are female peacekeepers and police, women in areas of conflict are better able to communicate their concerns about safety and request protection.

 

Mukerji said India was the first UN member to bring about the active participation of women in peacekeeping operations when it sent an all female police unit to the UN peacekeeping operations in Liberia in 2007. He recalled what the then-US Secretary of State Hilary Clinton said of India at the Council in 2009: "They have set an example that must be repeated in UN peacekeeping missions all over the world."

 

India now has a total of 137 women participating in UN Peacekeeping Operations, 112 of whom are from the police and 13 are from the military. Of them 102 serve in a police contigent in the UN Mission in Liberia (UNMIL).

 

Setting out a strategy to deal with the problem, Mukerji said the Council should now split up "the complex multidimensional nature of its peacekeeping mandates, and focus on addressing issues confronting women in armed conflict situations through focused peacebuilding activities, so that the transition to a post-conflict society can be sustainable."

 

This approach would give greater scope to humanitarian and development programs and fight the exploitation of women caught in armed conflicts, he said.

 

The nature of armed conflicts has changed since India first contributed troops to UN operations under the traditional mandate when "keeping the peace, was the best guarantee for protection of civilians caught up in armed conflicts," he said.

 

"Whereas earlier, our peacekeepers were deployed to keep the peace between states," he said, "we are now witnessing a steady increase in the deployment of UN peacekeepers in situations of internal conflicts within member states."

 

The impact of the instability and violence in the areas of conflict due to the breakdown of government "has been felt by the most vulnerable of the civilian populations, especially women and girls," he said.

 

Mukerji pointedly drew attention to how the working of the Council itself has contributed to the situation. "The evident inability of the Council to address and nurture sustainable political solutions to such conflict situations" was a major reason for the "open-ended" situations of conflict and instability that took a toll on women.

 

India speaks authoritatively on UN peacekeeping operations as it is the single largest contributor to these missions, having sent over 180,000 troops to 43 of the 68 operations which have claimed the lives of 156 Indians.

 

Nearly 70 nations spoke at Friday's session because of the growing concern over the victimisation of civilians - - and women in particular - - in conflicts around the world.

 

"Sexual violence during armed conflict is a violation of international humanitarian law," Helen Durham, a director at the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), said. "It is not inevitable. It must and can be stopped. What is required is a concerted effort by everyone concerned to prevent and put an end to it."

 

(Arul Louis can be contacted at arul.l@ians.in)

 

IANS, January 31, 2015

Jaishankar: Man to implement Modi’s foreign policy agenda

Updated:Jan 29, 2015 

         

  

 http://southasiamonitor.org/detail.php?type=sl&nid=10480

By C Uday  Bhaskar

The appointment of   S. Jaishankar as the new Foreign Secretary (FS) of India and the rather unexpectedmanner in which it was announced late at night on January 28  should not come as a surprise. Delhi's grapevine had been anticipating this for some months, given that the preference of PrimeMinister (PM) Narendra Modi in the matter had been doing the rounds.  

This announcement was expected soon after the Modi visit to the US in late September but one can only conjecture that the Obama visit may have led to adelay of a few months.  Concurrently, the fact that Dr. Jaishankar was due to retire on January 31would have necessitated that the announcement be made before that date.

As for the abrupt manner in which the incumbent, Ms Sujatha Singh 's tenure was "curtailed", it's  a reflection of the Modi's style of governance where decisions are taken and implemented  with  neither past practice nor  institutional protocol  being a constraint. And neither is the abrupt change ofa serving FS unprecedented, for PM Rajiv Gandhi had 'sacked' his FS, the late A. P. Venkateswaran, in a press conference.

Dr. Jaishankar, till yesterday, the Indian ambassador to the US, is undoubtedly an accomplished diplomat and was in the running for the post in mid-2013. However, considerations of seniority and the decision taken by the UPA government led to Ms Singh being appointed as the FS with a two year term.

At the time Jaishankar was the ambassador to Beijing and later moved to Washington DC andhit the ground running as he had to deal with the fallout of the arrest, and what India saw as humiliation, of Indian diplomat Devyani Khobragade over the immigration status of her housemaid from India.  The new FS's careerprofile is distinctive and is amongthe very few Indian diplomats to have such a wide spectrum and of domain expertise.  A Ph.D in international relations with a nuclear specialization, he has dealtwith the former USSR and later served in the US, apart from being an ambassador in Eastern Europe and ASEAN before moving to Beijing and then Washington DC.

A key official in the India-US civil nuclear agreement of 2005, it is a measure of his  contribution,  that  even as High Commissioner in Singapore, he was often consulted by South Block to  participate in the negotiations. Credited with  managing the India-China relationship  adroitly  even when incidents such as the Depsang  incursion  tested the resilience of the bilateral relationship, he was able to  bring about a radical change in the India–US relationship  and managed the Modi visit  in  a manner that clearly made a strong impression on  the PM .

It is understood that Modi had first noticed Dr. Jaishankar when the former was the Chief Minister of Gujarat and had visited China to further trade and investment for his state.  The PM's ability to spot talented and highly competent civil servants and place them in important positions was evidenced in Gujarat and some of the key appointments made in Delhi since May 2014 reflect a similar pattern.

A  PM taking charge of foreign policy directly is not new to India and from Nehru to Manmohan Singh, this has been differently discernible. Some have been hands-on to an excessive degree (Nehru), while others have relied on key officials (Narasimha  Rao, Atal Bihari Vajpayee  and Manmohan Singh). The Modi template from all accounts is going to be distinctive and the traditional organizational chart,  bureaucratic hierarchy and division of labor will be radically altered.

Creative problem-solving and innovative  policy initiatives are the Modi hallmark and   the appointment of Jaishankar will see greater synergy between the Prime Minister's Office (PMO) and the Ministry of  External Affairs (MEA). The possibility that the new FS will gradually assume the role of ade facto National Security Adviser (NSA) with a foreign policy and strategic affairsfocus is reasonably high.  This combination is reminiscent of the UPA – I when the late J N Dixit – a former Foreign Secretary was appointed NSA by Dr. Manmohan Singh - and the later induction of M. K.Narayanan, a former Intelligence Bureau chief,  as the NSA after the sudden death of Dixit.

Modi has  an ambitious foreign policy agenda and within less than a year of assuming office he has made many confident and assertive moves on the diplomatic chessboard.  The need to have a nimble staff thatwill be able to implement what the PM has outlined and, if need be, advise him if the policy is imprudent and could adversely impact the larger national interest isthe hallmark of thehigh-calibre civil servant.  

Modi had demonstrated that after a decade plus of vacillation, the political leadership will now recognize and reward professional competence and not be constrained by the straitjacket of seniority and perpetuate post-retirement sinecure. Jaishankar's appointment is indicative of this new determination.

Indian-American Verma Sworn In As US Ambassador to India

 Lalit K Jha | Washington | Dec 20, 2014

http://www.outlookindia.com/news/article/IndianAmerican-Verma-Sworn-In-As-US-Ambassador-to-India/873617

 Richard Rahul Verma, who quietly played a key role in the Congressional passage of the civil nuclear deal and a strong advocate of deepening Indo-US ties, has been sworn in as the US Ambassador to New Delhi, becoming the first ever Indian-American to hold the post.

 46-year-old was sworn in by Secretary of State John Kerry at the State department here.

 Verma is scheduled to arrive in India ahead of Kerry's visit to Delhi next month. US President Barack Obama will arrive in late January to attend the Republic Day Parade on January 26 as the Chief Guest.

 He was confirmed by the Senate by a voice vote last week.

 Verma, who quietly played an important role in the Congressional passage of civil nuclear deal with India, had advocated for strong Indo-US ties when in the administration and recently started "India 2020" project at Centre for American Progress -- a top American-think tank.

 He will replace Nancy Powell, who resigned in March after a damaging row over the treatment of diplomat Devyani Khobragade over visa fraud charges.

 The US Embassy in New Delhi is currently headed by a charge d'affaires, Kathleen Stephens.

 Verma's association with Obama goes back to 2008 when he worked on presidential debate preparations for the then Illinois senator.

 He served as Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs under Hillary Clinton from 2009 to 2011, and was a senior counselor at law firm Steptoe & Johnson as well as the Albright Stonebridge Group.

 "Known as a talented leader and manager, he is recognized for his many years of experience working on high-level policy in the federal government, in the private sector and with non-governmental organizations, especially on matters relating to the affairs of South Asia and India, including political-military relations," according to his profile on the State Department website.

 His knowledge and ability to set the agenda will enable him to strengthen bilateral relations with India, a pivotal nation of critical global importance to the US, it said.

 His parents came to the US in the early 1960s.

 "It is a day of celebration for Indian Americans," said Dr Sampat Shivangi, national president of Indian American Forum for Political Education.

 "Verma deserves this worthy appointment due to his dedication and well deserved respect he commands from President Obama and entire US Congress and the nation," said Shivangi, one of the few Indian-Americans invited to attend the swearing in ceremony at the State Department yesterday.

Sinking oil: Saudi Schadenfreude

Sinking oil: Saudi Schadenfreude

Saturday, 20 December 2014 | Rohit Pattnaik | in Oped

Using lowering oil prices as a tool, the Saudis are seeking to arm-twist Russia and Iran for their support of Bashar Assad's regime in the Syrian conflict

Daily Pioneer: Leading News paper 

Many oil exporting states across the globe that had built their budgets on visions of perennially high oil prices are beginning to press the panic button as oil prices continue to remain well below the fiscal break-even for many of these countries. Many Governments in oil exporting countries will face a difficult time in financing the populist programmes that they need to maintain public support, hence there will be pressure from many OPEC members to curtail production to arrest the decline of oil prices.

In the game of oil roulette, the Saudis are unlikely to cut oil production for the simple fact that in the 1980s when they cut production as part of the OPEC cartel, they lost a huge portion of their market share, without affecting global oil prices. It is the past precedent that has probably resulted in less confidence that production cuts by the Saudis, the largest oil exporter in OPEC, would have a desired impact. With global demand slowing, it is highly unlikely that OPEC could cut production for the near-term.

There are reports that Saudi Arabia and OPEC are trying to squeeze US Shale oil producers who require higher prices to remain competitive vis-a-vis conventional producers out of the market. New exploration techniques have allowed America to surpass all but Saudi Arabia in crude oil production. Lower prices put the viability of higher cost oil wells in jeopardy and many weaker firms are likely to stop production or even exit. Such a ploy could be foolhardy and boomerang badly on OPEC as recent report has emerged that with greater technological prowess, US Shale oil production for many producers is likely to remain viable at $50 per barrel.

Saudi Arabia and its oil exporting West Asian allies differ from other global producers in the cost of extraction for many of their wells, which is low even at current prices, meaning that they will be able to produce profitability at current or even lower prices. It is estimated that Saudi Arabia needs oil prices at $99 for break-even, but it has a $750 billion reserve along with non-existent debt. The Saudi budget is laden with big infrastructure projects which could be cut if necessary. It is clear that it can weather low oil prices and wait for new market dynamics to emerge. Iran and Iraq, according to an IMF report, need oil prices over $100 per barrel to balance their budgets. Iran has been facing declining production on account of sanctions and so declining oil prices impacts it more.

Previously, high oil prices ensured that the Arab monarchies were fortunate in keeping at bay the political turmoil that affected many of the countries in North Africa and West Asia by increasing public spending significantly. Although it has significant reserves, Saudi Arabia will be keeping a close eye to prevent any social spillover due to low oil prices in neighbouring Bahrain. Any financial difficulties notably among its dynastic neighbours could lead to political instability across the region. While currently all appear to be in good financial health, the strain of low oil prices could begin to emerge in a year and as the Arab Spring events demonstrated, a small problem could easily turn into a significant trouble for the political system. A further decline in crude prices could have global ramifications, though it is Venezuela and not any West Asian nation that could be impacted first.

Aware of the instability that low oil prices mean for the region, the recently held Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) meet also sought to underline greater unity among the Arab monarchies amid the emergence of ISIS and other jehadi organisations coupled with the impact of declining oil prices on national budgets. A decline in public spending could erode support for the Government and give ISIS more opportunities for growth in a region racked by extremism.

Despite the decline in oil prices, the Saudi-led GCC will extend political and monetary support to stabilise Egypt and Libya, two countries that are threatened by Islamists. It is highly likely that the GCC will become increasingly involved if the security situation in Egypt and Libya deteriorates further. Air strikes conducted by UAE against forces allied to the extremist Fajr Libya, which is opposed to the al Thinni government, are an indicator. In a significant move the GCC has announced the formation of a regional police force and naval force. The GCC security meet also highlighted state meddling in the GCC by neighbouring powers such as Iran and Turkey, which clearly is likely to ratchet up tension in a highly combustible environment. Even a meeting of the Saudi Crown Prince and the Iranian President to settle a host of issues ranging from oil prices to the fight against ISIS did not achieve much, due to Saudi distrust of Iran's nuclear ambition.

In a law of unintended consequences, the declining oil prices have given Saudi Arabia some leverage in the shadow jousting between itself and Iran across West Asia, even as both battle a common foe — ISIS. Beneath the veneer of fighting ISIS, there appears to be a game of supremacy between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region. After the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iranian power has been on the ascendancy across West Asia. The Arab states across West Asia have been watching warily Iran's nuclear ambition, its control over Iraq, its alliance with Syria and its leverage over Hamas and Hezbollah. Saudi actions in ensuring low oil prices have meant that Iran will take an economic hit as it currently remains under sanctions. Using lower oil prices as a tool, the Saudis are seeking to arm-twist Russia and Iran for their support of Bashar al-Assad's regime in the Syrian conflict. While Saudi Arabia and its Arab allies armed many of the Syrian rebels, Iran and to a minor extent Russia, by providing weapons and funding, have kept Assad in power. It is clear that the Saudis are perfectly content to see Iran and Russia struggle domestically on account of declining oil prices. Saudi Arabia would prefer the current status quo, in which it has gained greater leverage rather than do a course correction, by cutting oil production and aim to raise crude price.

Lower oil prices are likely to have significant ramification across West Asia as it means that GCC will have to take on greater responsibility to ensure that the fiscal woes of the weaker monarchies does not lead to political instability. Declining oil prices are unlikely to lead to a divergence in Iranian policies, but careful calibration between Saudi and Iran could ensure that jehadis do not gain traction as national budgets are pruned across the region, even as both play Weiqi in the region.

(The writer is a commentator on West Asia)