December 25, 2004

Metal Storm Robot Will Demostrate Urban Warfare Capabilites For DARPA



The project design plan includes provision for the integration of Metal Storm weapons with sensors and targeting capabilities to allow the UGVs to act as the eyes and ears of the combat force when operating in hostile urban areas.
Arlington VA (SPX) Dec 22, 2004
Metal Storm announced today that DARPA, the central research and development organization for the US Department of Defense, has selected the company's proposal titled 'Metal Storm Weapons for Urban Environments' for a contract award, subject to successful completion of contract negotiations.

This DARPA project is designed to provide a feasibility demonstration of a Metal Storm weapon mounted on an Unmanned Ground Vehicle (UGV) in direct support of troops in military operations in urban terrain (MOUT) scenarios.

The project design plan includes provision for the integration of Metal Storm weapons with sensors and targeting capabilities to allow the UGVs to act as the eyes and ears of the combat force when operating in hostile urban areas.

Ian Gillespie, Metal Storm's Acting Chief Executive Officer, said, "This proposal selection underlines the value to our company of the significant engineering and technical effort that we have built up this year. We are very pleased to have our technology proposal selected by DARPA in support of their effort to provide revolutionary war-fighting improvements for the urban environment.

"One of Metal Storm's primary technical and commercial objectives is to develop low pressure weapon products for use on unmanned vehicles. Selection in this project will further advance the significant technical progress we have already made towards weaponizing unmanned ground and air vehicles," he said.

"We are already underway with our planning for this DARPA project and propose to initiate discussions shortly with major defense contractors in relation to the provision of supporting integration packages which complement our capabilities", said Mr Gillespie.

The project contract details will be negotiated with DARPA shortly. It is expected that the initial feasibility demonstration will be completed inside the next 12 months.

Metal Storm Limited is a defense technology company, employing 60 staff, headquartered in Brisbane, Australia and incorporated in the US, with an office in Washington DC and a defense engineering capability located in Seattle, operating as ProCam Machine LLC. The Company has invented 100% electronic ballistics technology that has no known conventional equivalent. Metal Storm is working with government agencies and departments, and the defence industry to develop a variety of systems utilizing the Metal Storm non-mechanical, electronically fired stacked ammunition system.

Pakistani Studies Textbooks Can Cause Cognitive Dissonance in Students

By Yvette Rosser

The Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) http://www.sdpi.org/ organized a conference in Islamabad on December 8 & 9 2004 where the author presented a
paper titled: "Troubled Times: Sustainable Development and Governance in
the Age of Extremes".

Abstract:The teleological nature of the civic responsibility to create
patriotic citizens finds a malleable tool in the social studies
curriculum where myth and fact often merge. Pakistan Studies textbooks are
particularly prone to the omissions, embellishments, and elisionsthat
often characterize historical narratives designed for social studies
classes. Discourses about Islam and its relationship to the Ideology of
Pakistan comprise the majority of Pakistan Studies textbooks which say,
"Namaz1prevents a Muslim from indulging in immoral and indecent acts." One
textbook states that governmental officers should "be honest, impartial
and devoted. They should keep in view betterment of common people and
should not act in a manner which may infringe the rights of others or
may cause inconvenience to others." This discourse does not tally with
the tales that the students have heard about corruption and the hassles
their parents have endured simply to pay a bill or collect a refu!
nd. Sev
eral students complained

A textbook published by the Punjab Textbook Board states, "The Holy
Prophet (PBUH) says that a nation which deviates from justice invites its
doom and destruction".2 With such a huge disparity between the ideal
and the real, there is a great deal of fatalism apparent among the
educated citizens and the school going youths concerning the state of the
nation. Pakistan Studies textbooks are full of inherent contradictions. On
one page the text brags about the modern banking system and on another
page complains that interest, riba, is unIslamic. There is also a
certain amount of self-loathing written into the Pakistan Studies textbooks,
the politicians are depicted as inept and corrupt and the
industrialists are described as pursuing "personal benefit even at the cost of
national interest".

Bouncing between the poles of conspiracy theory and threat from within,
the textbooks portray Pakistan as a victim of Western ideological
hegemony, threatened by the perpetual Machiavellian intentions of India's
military and espionage machine, together with the internal failure of its
politicians to effectively govern the country, coupled with the fact
that the economy is in the hands of a totally corrupt class of elite
business interests who have only enriched themselves at the cost of the
development of the nation. Ironically, in textbooks intended to create
patriotism and pride in the nation, the country is ridiculed and despised.
All of these failures of the state and internal and international
conspiracies could, according to the rhetoric in the textbooks, be countered
by the application of more strictly Islamic practices

Pakistani Studies Textbooks and Cognitive Dissonance in Students

All students in Pakistan are required to take courses called Pakistan
Studies and must pass standardized tests based on that curriculum.
Pakistan Studies is a compulsory subject in all secondary schools and
colleges. There are numerous textbooks published under this title for the 9th
class to the BA level. In general, the curriculum is a composite of
patriotic discourses, justification of the Two-Nation Theory,
hagiographies of Muslim heroes, and endemic in the discourse, polemics about the
superiority of Islamic principals over Hinduism. The rubric in these
textbooks must be learned by rote in order for students to pass the
required exam.

Many students in Pakistan with whom I have spoken not only dislike this
required course, but openly mock it. A student at a women's college in
Lahore told me that "Pak Studies classes were usually scheduled at five
or six in the afternoon" and "hardly any students attend," choosing
instead to spend their time studying for "important classes such as Math
or Urdu or English" which are held in the mornings. "Besides," the
student continued, "we've covered the Pak Studies material year after year,
it's just the same Lucknow Pact, Two-Nation Theory. . . we don't have
to study for the test, the Ideology of Pakistan has been drilled into
us."


Textbooks in Pakistan must first be approved by the Curriculum Wing of
the Ministry of Education in Islamabad after which they are published
by the provincial textbook boards located at Jamshoro in Sindh, Quetta
in Balouchistan, Lahore in Panjab, and Peshawar in the North West
Frontier Province (NWFP). The social studies curriculum in Pakistan, as both
product and propagator of the ''Ideology of Pakistan,'' derives its
legitimacy from a narrow set of directives. The textbooks authored and
altered during the eleven years of General Zia-ul-Haq's military rule
between 1977 and 1988, are still in use in most schools. They are decidedly
anti-democratic and inclined to dogmatic tirades and characterized by
internal contradictions.


When discussing General Zia'a lasting influence on the teaching of
social studies in Pakistan, a principal at a woman's college in Lahore told
me a joke which she said was well known among intellectuals in the
country, "General Zia-- May He Rest in Pieces." Indeed, after his airplane
exploded in the sky, the pieces of his body were never found, along
with the American ambassador and several other top brass generals on board
the fatal flight. The casket in Zia's mausoleum near the beautiful
Faizl Mosque built with Saudi money in Islamabad, purportedly contains only
his false teeth, jawbone, and eyeglasses. The remaining weight of his
coffin is compensated with sandbags. There are, however, bits and pieces
of Zia-ul Haq's body politic littered across the Pakistani
psychological, educational, political, and military landscape.

During the past three decades, the Pakistani military3 has
helped to empower a vast cadre of politically motivated, religiously
conservative Mujahideen, evidenced by the accelerating crisis in Kashmir,
the war like situation in Kargil, airplane hijackings, and the
Talibanization of madrass education. This continuing move towards Islamization
is accentuated against the ominous backdrop of nuclear testing, missile
development, failed diplomacy, and sporadic tit-for-tat acrimonious
exchanges between India and Pakistan. The social studies curriculum in
Pakistan employs a very narrow definition of Islam in the construction of
Pakistani nationalism.

Islamization is a controversial term with a variety of
interpretations. There are subtle distinctions among usages of words such as
Islamization, Islamic nationalism, Islamic Republic, Islamizing, that
represent the manipulation and implementation of religious terminology
and symbols as political tools. Both Maududi of the Jaamat-I-Islami and
Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran saw Islamization as a model for the
world-wide community of Islamic Ummah, distinct from Islamic nationalism, which
is "essentially a Western, non-Islamic, secular, and territorial
concept that emphasizes patriotism and love of one's nation-state, its sacred
territory, political institutions and symbols".5 A more thoroughly
Islamized Pakistan, which would finally fulfill the true Shariat-ruled
mandate inherent in the creation of an Islamic Republic was how General Zia
constructed the meaning of his Islamization campaign, which he
propagated and popularized as the inevitable evolution of Pakistani nat!
ionalism
. Zia institutionalized a

The "Ideology of Pakistan'quot; is based on Islamic nationalism.
Islamization is what Zia called it, but not coincidentally. He was
consciously pushing for stricter adherence to external expressions of religion,
placating conservative forces, exerting social control, influencing
social norms. Pakistan's ideology of "Islamic nationalism," still has a
dynamic and powerful hold over the overwhelming majority of Pakistanis.
Professor Mir Zohair Husain wrote in a personal communication:

Just because Zia used the word 'Islamization' time and again, doesn't
mean that he was successful in his so-called 'Islamization' of Pakistani
political and economic institutions. While Pakistan's governing elite
may have been relatively liberal, pragmatic and secular, the majority of
Pakistanis were always devout Muslims, and Pakistani culture was always
'Islamic' [and] thus didn't need any further 'Islamizing.' If Zia's
so-called 'Islamization' of Pakistani society had actually occurred,
Pakistanis would never have elected two relatively liberal, pragmatic, and
secular Muslims to run Pakistan four times in 11 years in free and fair
elections based on adult franchise--Benazir Bhutto (1988-1990,
1993-1996) and Nawaz Sharif (1990-1993, 1996-1999). General Pervaiz Musharraf,
who usurped power on October 12th, 1999, is also a liberal and
pragmatic Muslim, who has said that he admired Mustafa Kemal Ataturk of Turkey
[who] is denounced by devout Muslims all over the world for bei!
ng a sec
ular dictator who tried t

Husain's observation, contrasting the elites with the more "Islamized
common" people highlights the irony of Zia's efforts. Though this
impetus to Islamize the outward manifestations of social and political
institutions was itself a reflection of a world-wide movement towards
religious conservatism and fundamentalism within the Islamic community, the
results of twenty years of Zia's Islamization indoctrination programme
has given rise to more women in burqas, a generation of Pakistani girls
prevented by social conventions from riding bicycles, and militant
mullahs preaching political jihad from their Friday pulpits. Though
certainly, these expressions are part of the international trend among Muslims
toward religious conservatism, Zia latched on to that and used it. The
Islamization of Pakistan initiated during the eighties brought an end
to the liberal secular ambience of the sixties and seventies, inherited
from the sophisticated and educated father of the nation, Quaid-e-!
Azam, wh
en some women still wore


Men in Pakistan have also adopted more Islamic expressions in their
outward attire. Prior to the pressures exerted by Zia to Islamize all
facets of society, Pakistani men who sported long beards and short pants
could be seen on their way to pray at the Mosque, they were respected as
either sincere Tabliqi practitioners or elderly gentlemen who had
performed Haj. Now, as friend in Sindh told me, 'Most of the men who dress
up as mullahs are quacks and crackpots. Every dacoit, shopkeeper, middle
class businessman, and rickshaw wala wants to look like a mullah.'He
added, 'Twenty or thirty years ago Pakistani men were not judged by the
length of their pants or their beards.' Once social and political
conventions become codified by conservative religious dictates, it is
extremely difficult to break or oppose those newly imposed norms that quickly
become sacrosanct and in fact, required of 'true believers'. External
expressions of Islamization, such as traditional Muslim fashion--b!
eards an
d caps for males, burqas,


Since the deadly terrorist attacks in New York and Washington, D.C., on
September 11, 2001, the popular media in the West has begun to pay
attention to the vitriolic anti-American narratives that are pervasive in
textbooks in several Islamic countries, including allies such as Saudi
Arabia. For years, objective Pakistani scholars have warned that the
textbooks in Pakistan were fomenting hatred and encouraging
fundamentalism. For several decades now, textbooks in not only Pakistan, but many
Islamic nations have promoted a radically restrictive brand of Islamic
exclusivism, and exported that perspective to other nations as in the case
of Pakistani born Taliban and their negative impact on Afghani society.
In March 2001, an article I wrote appeared in The Friday Times, a
weekly newspaper published in Lahore, Pakistan. In that article I warned of
the imminent blowback of America's foreign policies, in the 1980's in
South Asia.6 Unfortunately, the dire predictions became front-pa!
ge news
on September 11, 2001 and

In the minds of a generation of Pakistanis, indoctrinated by the
"Ideology of Pakistan' are lodged fragments of hatred and suspicion. The
story manufactured to further Zia's 'Be Pakistani/Buy Pakistani' worldview
is presented through a myopic lens of hyper-nationalism and the
politicized use of Islam. According to Dr. Magsi, a psychiatrist at the Civil
Hospital in Karachi, 'When Civics classes teach negative values' the
result is a xenophobic and paranoid acceptance of authoritarianism and
the denial of cultural differences and regional ethnic identities.' In
the past few decades, social studies textbooks in Pakistan have been used
as locations to articulate the hatred that Pakistani policy makers have
attempted to inculcate towards their Hindu neighbors. Vituperative
animosities legitimize military and autocratic rule, nurturing a siege
mentality. Pakistan Studies textbooks are an active site for negatively
representing India and othering the Subcontinent's indigenous past.


The teleological nature of the civic responsibility to create patriotic
citizens finds a malleable tool in the social studies curriculum where
myth and fact often merge. The many textbooks published in Pakistan
under the title Pakistan Studies are particularly prone to the omissions,
embellishments, and elisions that often characterize historical
narratives designed for secondary level social studies classes. During the
time of General Zia-ul Haq, social studies, comprised of history and
geography, were replaced by Pakistan Studies, which was made a compulsory
subject for all students from the ninth standard through the first year
of college including engineering and medical schools. Curriculum
changes, institutionalized during Zia's Islamization campaign, required that
all students also take a series of courses under the title Islamiyat,
the study of Islamic tenants and memorization of Quranic verses.
Committees formed under Zia's guidance began to systematically edit the t!
extbooks
. The University Grants C

To demonstrate that the basis of Pakistan is not to be founded in
racial, linguistic, or geographical factors, but, rather, in the shared
experience of a common religion. To get students to know and appreciate the
Ideology of Pakistan, and to popularize it with slogans. To guide
students towards the ultimate goal of Pakistan'the creation of a completely
Islamized State.7


Pervez Hoodbhoy and A.H. Nayyar published an article, 'Rewriting the
History of Pakistan' in 1985 when Zia's policies were in full swing. They
commence with a near prophetic comment regarding the inevitable and
eventual blowback from General Zia's efforts to Islamize the educational
system, 'the full impact of which will probably be felt by the turn of
the century, when the present generation of school children attains
maturity.'8 Nayyar and Hoodbhoy explain that the UGC's directives centered
on four themes:

1. The 'Ideology of Pakistan,' both as a historical force which
motivated the movement for Pakistan as well as its raison d'être

2. The depiction of Jinnah as a man of orthodox religious views who
sought the creation of a theocratic state

3. A move to establish the 'ulama' ' as genuine heroes of he Pakistan
Movement

4. An emphasis on ritualistic Islam, together with the rejection of
interpretations of the religion and generation of communal antagonism 9


The broad expanse of South Asian history is a tabula rasa upon which
Pakistani historians and policy makers have created the story of a new
nation replete with cultural roots and ancient socio-religious
trajectories. This manufactured view of the past narrates Pakistan's emergence as
an independent country: in just seven short years, under the
enlightened guidance of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, Quaid-e-Azam, the father of the
country, Pakistan rose from the strife and oppression of religious
communalism in Hindu dominated India to join the comity of modern nations.
Nayyar and Hoodbhoy explain, "The 'recasting' of Pakistani history [has
been] used to 'endow the nation with a historic destiny'."10The story of
Pakistan's past is intentionally written to be distinct from and often
in direct contrast with interpretations of history found in India.

In the early seventies, Z.A. Bhutto in a precarious political position,
governing a drastically diminished territory, strove to win the support
of the religious sectors of the population. He had the textbooks
altered to placate these factions. An integrated Pakistan, one strong Islamic
nation that could overcome separatist movements and prevent another
splitting such as the creation of Bangladesh, was the mandate. To appease
the conservative clerics, such policies as the declaration that
Ahamadis11 were "non-Muslims" were enacted under Bhutto. Textbooks laid even
greater stress on the Islamic perspective of historical events.
Islamiyat was made a required subject up until class eight. The use of the
phrase, "The Ideology of Pakistan" had already been inserted into social
studies textbooks during Bhutto's first term, and pre-Islamic South Asian
history was obliterated. Despite all this, Bhutto gets no credit for
Islamization, textbooks calling his efforts 'too little, too lat!
e.'

The military coup that ended Bhutto's second term and eventually his
life brought his protégé General Zia-ul Haq to power. Islamization began
in full measure. Non-Muslims, such as Hindus in rural Sindh, were made
to vote in separate electorates. Blasphemy laws were often used
selectively against non-Muslims. The phrase "Ideology of Pakistan" was
installed with vigor and the textbooks were rewritten by committee to
reassert the Islamic orientations of Pakistani nationalism according to
General Zia's socio-political decrees. It has now been over a decade and a
half since Zia was assassinated yet, the textbooks he caused to be
authorized have survived four democratically elected governments, and the
supposed de-jihadization campaign of General Musharraf, the propagandistic
tone of the historical narrative is still taught as absolute truth to
the youth of Pakistan. Zia is depicted as benevolent and religious
minded, a discourse that remains in the textbooks published through th!
e 1990's
during the two tenures o

>From their government issued textbooks, students are taught that
Hindus are backwards, superstitious, they burn their widows and wives, and
that Brahmins are inherently cruel, and if given a chance, would assert
their power over the weak, especially Muslims and Shuddras, depriving
them of education by pouring molten lead in their ears.12 In their
social studies classes, students are taught that Islam brought peace,
equality, and justice to the Subcontinent and only through Islam could the
sinister ways of Hindus be held in check. In Pakistani textbooks "Hindu"
rarely appears in a sentence without adjectives such as politically
astute, sly, or manipulative.

Teaching Cognitive Dissonance

Discourses about Islam and its relationship to the Ideology of Pakistan
comprise the majority of Pakistan Studies textbooks that delve at
length on how Islam can create a fair and just nation,

In the eyes of a Muslim all human beings are equal and there is no
distinction based on race or colour [. . . .] The rich or poor [are] all
equal before law. A virtuous and pious man has precedence over others
before Allah.13

This Pakistan Studies textbook goes on to say, "Namaz 14prevents a
Muslim from indulging in immoral and indecent acts." And regarding issues
of justice, the 1999 edition of this Pakistan Studies textbook, which is
used widely in Pakistan states,

On official level (sic) all the officers and officials must perform
their duties justly, i.e., they should be honest, impartial and devoted.
They should keep in view betterment of common people and should not act
in a manner which may infringe the rights of others or may cause
inconvenience to others.


How does this discourse tally with the tales that the students have
heard about corruption and the hassles their parents have endured simply
to pay a bill or collect a refund? Several students in Pakistan
complained that they felt cheated and pessimistic when they read these things.
They were angry because they could not rectify their cognitive
dissonance of what they hear about elected officials and wealthy landholders
and industrialists buying off court cases lodged against them or simply
not charged for known crimes, with statements from their textbooks such
as,

Every one should be equal before law and the law should be applied
without any distinction or discrimination. [. . . ] Islam does not approve
that certain individuals may be considered above law.


A textbook published by the Punjab Textbook Board states, "The Holy
Prophet (PBUH) says that a nation which deviates from justice invites its
doom and destruction" (emphasis added).15 With such a huge disparity
between the ideal and the real, there is a great deal of fatalism
apparent among the educated citizens and the school going youths concerning
the state of the nation in Pakistan. Further compounding the students'
distress and distancing them from either their religion or their
nation-state, or both, are contradictory statements made in this Pakistan
Studies book that "the enforcement of Islamic principles . . . does not
approve dictatorship or the rule of man over man." Compared with the
reality unfolding a few paragraphs later when the student is told
uncritically that,

General Muhammad Ayub Khan captured power and abrogated the
constitution of 1956 [...] dissolved the assemblies and ran the affairs of the
country under Martial Law without any constitution.16


In Md. Sarwar's Pakistan Studies a whole chapter is
dedicated to 'Islamization of Pakistan' with subtitles, 'Islamization Under
Zia,' 'Hindrances to Islamization,' and 'Complete Islamization is Our
Goal'. Other themes and events in the history and culture of Pakistan are
judged vis-à-vis their relationship and support of 'complete
Islamization'. Within this rhetoric are found dire warnings that Islam should be
applied severely so that it can guard against degenerate Western
influences, yet a few pages later the text encourages the students to embrace
Western technological innovations in order to modernize the country.
One part of the book complains that Muslims in British India lost out on
economic opportunities because conservative religious forces rejected
Western education yet a few pages later the authors are telling the
students to use Islam to fend off the influences of Western education,
eulogizing the efforts of conservative clerics who are the last hope !
of preve
nting the degeneration of

The Sarwar textbook claims that Islam sees no differences
and promotes unity among peoples while it also discriminates between
Muslims and nonbelievers. On page 120 the author states,

The Islamic state, of course, discriminates between Muslim citizens and
religious minorities and preserves their separate entity. Islam does
not conceal the realities in the guise of artificialities or hypocrisy.
By recognizing their distinct entity, Islamic state affords better
protection to its religious minorities. Despite the fact that the role of
certain religious minorities, especially the Hindus in East Pakistan, had
not been praiseworthy, Pakistan ensured full protection to their rights
under the Constitution. Rather the Hindu Community enjoyed privileged
position in East Pakistan by virtue of is effective control over the
economy and the media. It is to be noted that the Hindu representatives in
the 1st Constituent Assembly of Pakistan employed delaying tactics in
Constitution-making.


That this claim is exaggerated can be seen in the recent book by Allen
McGrath, The Destruction of Democracy in Pakistan, in which the author,
a lawyer, analyzes the efforts at constitution making in the first
decade after independence before Iskandar Mizra dissolved the National
Assembly. In the McGrath book the productive role D.N. Dutt, a Hindu from
East Pakistan played in constitution making is mentioned. Yet, in
Pakistan Studies textbooks, anti-Hindu rhetoric and the vilification of the
Hindu community of East Pakistan are the standard fare.


In this particular version of Pakistani history, which is the official
version, General Zia-ul-Haq is portrayed as someone who "took concrete
steps in the direction of Islamization." He is often portrayed as very
pious and perhaps stitching caps alongside Aurangzeb. Though Zulfikar
Ali Bhutto is generally criticized in the textbooks, General Zia escapes
most criticism though he was the most autocratic of the four military
rulers who have usurped the political process in Pakistan. Each time
that martial law was declared in Pakistan, and the constitution aborted,
placed in abeyance, or otherwise raped, textbooks describe it as a
necessary repercussion responding to the rise of decadent secular values.
Dr. Sarwar describes martial law as an inevitable solution stimulated by
unIslamic forces,

During the period under Zia's regime, social life developed a leaning
towards simplicity. Due respect and reverence to religious people was
accorded. The government patronized the religious institutions and
liberally donated funds.17


This textbook and many like it, claim that there is a "network of
conspiracies and intrigues" which are threatening the "Muslim world in the
guise of elimination of militancy and fundamentalism." In this treatment
Pakistan, under the guidance of General Zia, takes credit for the fall
of the Soviet Union and lays claim to have created a situation in the
modern world where Islamic revolutions can flourish and the vacuum left
by the fall of the USSR will "be filled by the world of Islam." The
Sarwar textbook continues, "The Western world has full perception of this
phenomena, [which] accounts for the development of reactionary trends
in that civilization." Concluding this section under the subheading
'Global Changes,' the author seems to be preparing for Samuel Huntington's
Clash of Civilizations when he writes,

The Muslim world has full capabilities to face the Western challenges
provided Muslims are equipped with self-awareness and channelize their
collective efforts for the well being of the Muslim Ummah. All evidences
substantiate Muslim optimism indicating that the next century will
glorify Islamic revolution with Pakistan performing a pivotal role.18


Pakistan Studies textbooks are full of inherent
contradictions. On one page the text brags about the modern banking system and on
another page complains that interest, riba, is unIslamic. There is also
a certain amount of self-loathing written into the Pakistan Studies
textbooks, the politicians are depicted as inept and corrupt and the
industrialists are described as pursuing "personal benefit even at the cost
of national interest".

Bouncing between the poles of conspiracy theory and threat from within,
the textbooks portray Pakistan as a victim of Western ideological
hegemony, threatened by the perpetual Machiavellian intentions of India's
military and espionage machine, together with the internal failure of its
politicians to effectively govern the country, coupled with the fact
that the economy is in the hands of a totally corrupt class of elite
business interests who have only enriched themselves at the cost of the
development of the nation. Ironically, in textbooks intended to create
patriotism and pride in the nation, the country is ridiculed and despised.
All of these failures of the state and internal and international
conspiracies could, according to the rhetoric in the textbooks, be countered
by the application of more strictly Islamic practices. In July of 1999,
I spoke to several well-placed individuals who told me that they would
welcome a Taliban type government in Pakistan so that the cou!
ntry cou
ld 'finally achieve its b


Most of the people I met in Pakistan in the late nineties were alarmed
about the "Talibanization of the nation". I was told time and again
'the CIA created the Taliban Frankenstein in Pakistan's backyard, then
walked away, leaving the monster behind'. Some Pakistanis, inspired by the
politicized sermons of Mullah elites, vociferously called for a
'Taliban type system' and are willing to die to Islamize the nation. This may
be especially true among the poor, whose only access to education is in
a crowded Madrassa where they learn that Sunni Islam is poised to take
over the world of kafirs (non-believers) and apostates. These
economically and emotionally deprived young men have been taught that a Taliban
type system could overcome their poverty, their powerlessness and
despair. Caught between conspiracies, corruption and the Holy Quran, they
see no alternatives.


When textbooks and clerics cry conspiracy and the majority of
newspapers, particularly the Urdu press, misinform the people and sensationalize
the issues; the tendency for Pakistanis to feel betrayed and persecuted
is not surprising. During the 1971 war, newspapers in Pakistan told
very little about the violent military crack down in Dhaka nor did they
keep the people informed of the deteriorating strategic situation. The
role of the Mukti Bahini19 was practically unknown in the western wing of
the country, and when defeat finally came, it was a devastating and
unexpected shock that could only be explained by the treachery of Indira
Gandhi, who is often quoted as saying, 'We have sunk the Two-Nation
Theory in the Bay of Bengal'. India remains a hyperbolic threat to
Pakistan's existence.

In the thirty years since the 'fall of Dhaka' the government controlled
curriculum still does not include a historically circumspect version of
the causes of the civil war that dismembered the nation. It is no
wonder that during and in the aftermath of the Kargil crisis in the summer
of 1999, newspapers often ran stories referring to the occupation of the
heights above Kargil as 'revenge for 1971.' There is a chronic shortage
of objective information available to the majority of Pakistani
citizens that can adequately explain the actual events that led to the three
wars with India. Kashmir in 1948, the war with India in 1965, and the
Bangladesh War of Independence have become national metaphors20 for
betrayal within and a reminder of the constant threat looming from Hindu
India. The split-up of the nation and the creation of Bangladesh remains a
potent symbol of Pakistan's disempowerment and a constant reminder of
what will happen if the Muslim Ummah does not remain vigilant.

During the war-like situation in the summer of 1999 at the Line of
Control near Kargil, the Pakistani government claimed that the Mujahideen
were not physically supported by Pakistan, that they were indigenous
Kashmiri freedom fighters. However, the presence of satellite television,
the Internet, and newspapers which are now more connected to
international media sources, offered the possibility of broader exposure than
during the two previous wars fought over Kashmir. Perhaps there is at
least one positive outcome of the tragic Kargil crisis where hundreds of
young men lost their lives; in the aftermath there was an outpouring of
newspaper and magazine articles in Pakistan that attempted to analyze
the brinkmanship from various angles. Such critical reflexivity is
essential in a civil society. Although some of the essays in Pakistani
newspapers prophetically called for the military to take over the government
in the wake of Nawaz Sharif's sell out to the imperialist Clinton,!
most of
the discussions were mor

Pakistani textbooks are particularly prone to historical narratives
manipulated by omission,according to Avril Powell, professor of history at
the University of London. History by erasure can have its long-term
negative repercussions. Another example of this is the manner in which the
Indo-Pak War of 1965 is discussed in Pakistani textbooks. In standard
narrations of the 65 War manufactured for students and the general
public, there is no mention of Operation Gibraltar, even after four decades.
In fact, several university level history professors whom I interviewed
claimed never to have heard of Operation Gibraltar and the
repercussions of that ill-planned military adventurism which resulted in India's
attack on Lahore. In Pakistani textbooks the story is told that 'the
Indian army, unprovoked, inexplicably attacked Lahore' and that 'one
Pakistani jawan (soldier) equals ten Indian soldiers', who, upon seeing the
fierce Pakistanis, 'drop their banduks (rifles) and run away'. !
Many peo
ple in Pakistan still thi

Operation Gibraltar, the 1999 debacle in Kargil, and especially the
tragic lessons that could have been learned from the Bangladesh War are
products of the same myopic processes. The Kargil crisis was a legacy of
the lack of information that citizens have had about the real history
of their country. The Kashmiri conflict has left a trail of denied
incursions and undeclared wars. In 1948 the Pakistani army took an active
role in the military action in Kashmir, and numerous historical accounts,
such as Hodson's The Great Divide, offer evidence that Jinnah was ready
'to call the whole thing off' if 'India would withdraw' its forces.'21
In a letter to Mountbattan in late December 1948, Nehru wrote that

the resources of Pakistan are being employed. . .[and] the invasion of
Kashmir is not an accidental affair resulting from the fanaticism or
exuberance of the tribesmen, but a well-organized business with the
backing of the state.


Nehru added ominously, 'The present objective is Kashmir. The next
declared objective is Patiala, East Punjab and Delhi. 'On to Delhi' is the
cry all over West Punjab.'22


You can email feedback to author on yvetterosser@yahoo.com

DARPA funds dozens of new urban-warfare tools



By Susan M. Menke
PostNewsweek Tech Media

The Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency late last week awarded 37 contracts for new urban-warfighting technologies.

The agency last June solicited proposals for casualty-reduction technologies; intelligence, reconnaissance and surveillance devices; beyond-line-of-sight weapons; urban command and control tools; and training and simulation systems.

The 37 awards, each worth from $130,000 to $2.7 million for six- to 12-month feasibility demonstrations, are intended to reduce casualties and collateral damage while improving effectiveness of smaller forces, DARPA said in a statement.

The awards went to:

AETC Inc. of San Diego for sound detection devices

Alphatech Inc. of Burlington, Mass., for 3-D situational perception devices

Analysis Group of Falls Church, Va., for automated urban decision support

Applied Research Associates Inc. of Raleigh, N.C., for aerial firefight sensors; optical navigation for operations not using the Global Positioning System; and detectors for concealed weapons and explosives

Aptima Inc. of Woburn, Mass., for a culture-based urban modeling environment

BAE Systems North America of Rockville, Md., for millimeter wave exposure to improve recognition; nonstop communications; an infrared situational awareness and threat warning system; and a rational observer system

BBN Technologies Inc. of Cambridge, Mass., for force multipliers and persistent target tracking by 3-D radar

BBNT Solutions LLC, also of Cambridge, for a cultural analysis and learning environment

DEKA R&D of Manchester, N.H., for a rapid vertical mobility concept Draper Laboratory Inc., also of Cambridge, for radio frequency indoor geolocation and precision emplacement

General Atomics of San Diego for Raptor View high-resolution surveillance

Harris Corp. of Melbourne, Fla., for an urban communications environment

ISX Corp. of Camarillo, Calif., for a culturally aware peacekeeping tool set

Lockheed Martin Corp. for force multiplication and stabilization analysis models

Metal Storm USA Ltd. of Arlington, Va., for urban weapons

NextGen Aeronautics Inc. of Torrance, Calif., for small gunships

Omnitech Robotics International of Englewood, Colo., for sensor emplacement methods

PPG Industries Inc. of Allison Park, Pa., for nanostructured light-weight armor

Raytheon Co. for active-protection and head-mounted alert systems

Science Applications International Corp. of San Diego for smart-dust sensors, RF predictive propagation models, focused situational awareness and renewed-conflict models

Sandia National Laboratories of Albuquerque, N.M., for air-dropped unmanned ground vehicles and multiplayer wargaming environments

Smart Information Flow Technologies LLC of Minneapolis for cross-cultural training simulations

SRI International of Menlo Park, Calif., for a wall-climbing robot

University of Texas at Austin for low-cost radar sensors for personnel detection and tracking

Wave Technologies of Chantilly, Va., for a rapid urban-warfare training environment.

DARPA this week also announced that its Joint Unmanned Combat Air Systems AV-1 aircraft, built by Boeing Co., successfully obeyed ground-based pilots’ commands via satellite. The first pilot, at Edwards Air Force Base, Calif., handed the UAV over to another in Seattle. The Seattle pilot executed four air maneuvers before returning control to Edwards.

Capt. Ralph Alderson, the J-UCAS program manager, said in a statement that the demonstration shows future UAVs could maintain “a persistent, lethal presence anywhere, anytime” with operators located at air bases and carriers around the world.

DARPA said the aircraft’s software could become one of the first candidates for the Defense Department’s planned Common Operating System to enable interactive, worldwide operational control.







• Need Customized Software/Applications Developed?

Security: Private Military Firms in Conclave at Oxford

For the first time ever, a conference organized last week at Oxford by the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI) brought together practically all of the British security firms operating in Iraq.
Most of the deliberations centered on regulating the branch, which currently operates as it feels fit. The companies working abroad aren't required to register in their home countries nor prove that their employees have been subjected to background checks. This legal gray area has often resulted in legitimate companies being mistaken for mercenary outfits, something the firms strongly resent. They want to appear legitimate as this will facilitate their relations with banks and insurance companies. The strongest advocates of regulation are the industry's heavyweights such as ArmorGroup (which was floated on the stock exchange early this week), Control Risks and Olive. Other smaller companies, such as Tim Spicer's Aegis, are far less enthusiastic. An improvement in the firm's image could come from direct contacts held a few weeks prior to the Oxford conference between several firms and the International Red Cross Committee. Through the intermediary of Simon Peter Brook, the Red Cross' representative to European armed forces, the IRCC proposed offering security firm staff training in international humanitarian law. The Oxford conference also underlined the increasing clout of British groups in the industry. Even though the leading players in Iraq - Triple Canopy, Blackwater and Dyncorp - are still American, British firms are grabbing market share elsewhere, particularly in Africa and Asia. The British firms also profit from synergy with the shipping industry. Some have worked for years with Lloyds.

CLICK Network


Israel and India holds talk on defense ties

(NOTE : This is Combined report from Various sources)

NEW DELHI, DECEMBER 24,2004: India-Israel defence ties are likely to receive a boost with the third joint working group meeting held today in Tel Aviv. Defence Secretary Ajai Vikram Singh led the eight-member Indian side.

Israel is understood to be keen on pitting its F-16 fighters against the IAF’s Su-30s in a joint exercise next year. Its other proposals include a marketing tie-up for Hindustan Aeronautics-made MiG-21UM trainer jets, the sale of new generation Heron UAVs and joint development of the Barak-II ship defence missile.



South Block — which is traditionally silent on defence issues involving Israel — said the JWG, which met Israeli Defence Minister Shaul Mofaz and Defence Ministry Director General Amos Yaron today, was on a routine visit. Sources said the strategic aspects of discussions, including the proposed air exercises, would underscore the meeting at least from Israel’s side, while India would review the list of proposals from the defence industry.

Tel Aviv’s proposals include Israel’s upgradation of IAF Cheetah helicopters using avionics used in the indigenous ALH Dhruv helicopter. HAL already has a tie-up with IAI to market the helicopters to other countries, including Chile and Malaysia, which have expressed interest.

Israel has also offered to upgrade the Indian Navy’s Tu-142 maritime patrol planes in a tripartite agreement with Russia, though the latter has stalled the process. Ongoing trials of Israeli equipment for the IAF include Lahat anti-tank missiles for the indigenous Arjun battle tank, Crystal Maze laser-guided bombs and Pop-Eye beyond visual range missiles.

Israeli arms manufacturer Soltam has also announced its intention to enter into a joint venture with an Indian firm in Bangalore to manufacture military binoculars.

Defence deals with Israel this year included India signing up to buy Phalcon AWACs systems from Israeli Aircraft Industries (IAI).

Israel and India recently held a dialogue on anti-terrorism, considered by Tel Aviv to be the cornerstone of future relations, in a year marked by a flurry of high-profile visits.

Israeli defence sources called India a key ally to the Jewish state, and asserted that the change of government in New Delhi doesn't have any impact on the relationship between the two countries, "we haven't felt anything of the sort yet. Our relationship has sound foundations".

Israel noted that the relation between the two countries is based on "mutual concerns".

Recently, Israel and India engaged in various fields characterizing cooperation at the bilateral front.

Last week, a delegation from the Indian Ordnance Board visited Israel and some agreements reached during the visit.

Israel has become India's second largest supplier of defence equipment after Russia.

Earlier this week, the Indian army approved the deployment of Israeli-made spy drones to hunt for rebels in Kashmir.

The army first used Aerial Vehicles (UAV) over the Kishtwar mountain heights in southern Kashmir on December 17, two days after rebels stormed a weapons dump in the town of Singhapora.

"We conducted sorties over two days and the data we downloaded from the UAV were vital," a top army official said in New Delhi.

He added that the planes, empowered with high-powered cameras, flew for several hours on each sortie.

"The drones failed to detect enemy movement but returned with very valuable information for our mappers," he said.

The official, who demanded anonymity, said that the planes were being kept within the Indian territories.

"But we are keeping our drones well within Indian territory and if the sorties pay us dividends then we will continue to use them in other parts of Kashmir as well," said the official.

In 1999, India deployed French-built Mirage 2000s and Russian MiG jets to track down rebels in Kashmir’s strategic Kargil peaks. The raid resulted in the deaths of 1,000 people from both sides.

In recent years, India has strengthened its military ties with Israel, which has agreed to sell three Falcon airborne early warning systems to New Delhi.

India and Pakistan have targeted each other’s trespassing planes in many incidents in the past. The Asian rivals have fought two of their wars over the Himalayan region, Kahmir, since they won their independence from the British rule in 1947.

December 24, 2004

Iraqi Insurgency and Strengthening Military Forces -- REPORT

Iraqi Insurgency and Strengthening Military Forces

CSIS expert, Anthony Cordesman, published two new reports on Strengthening Iraqi Military http://www.csis.org/features/iraq_strengtheningforces.pdf and Security Forces and on The Developing Iraqi Insurgency: Status at End-2004 http://www.csis.org/features/iraq_deviraqinsurgency.pdf .

Executive Summary

There are five key elements to any kind of “victory in Iraq, both for the Iraqi people, and for the US and its Coalition allies:

o Establishing a pluralistic Iraqi government capable of both governing and providing security to the people of Iraq, and finding a new balance of political power acceptable to Arab Shi’ite, Arab Sunni, the Kurds, Turcomans, and other minorities. Must be capable of effective governance at the local, regional, and national level.

o Creating effective Iraqi military, security, and police forces capable of bringing security to the entire country, of eventually replacing all Coalition forces, and capable of conducting effective operations while winning the support of the vast majority of the Iraqi people.

o Providing effective aid, debt and reparations relief, and Iraqi economic reform efforts that – coupled to effective security -- move the nation back on the path to stable economic development where wealth and economic growth are distributed in ways that meet the needs of all of Iraq’s people.

o Developing a new national consensus that legitimizes Iraq’s post Saddam government and social structure, and that can find a “golden mean” between the different goals and expectations of its different ethnic and religious elements.

o Finding a new balance of relationships with Iraq’s neighbors that will ensure that they do not threaten Iraq, or interfere in its affairs, while making it clear that Iraq no longer poses a threat to any neighboring state. Building effective Iraqi military and security forces is only one of the elements necessary to implementing a successful strategy in Iraq: One that can meet both US strategic needs and the needs of the Iraqi people. It is, however, an element that is critical to the creation
of a legitimate government in Iraq, and to establishing the stability and security vital to Iraq’s political and economic development.

The report documents a tragic US failure to develop and implement such a strategy
during the first year of the US occupation in Iraq. It is a failure to understand the strategic situation in Iraq and the realities of Iraqi politics. It is a failure at every level to prepare for a coordinated US effort at nation building. It is a failure by the US military to prepare for the military aspects of stability operations, and by the US State Department to recognize the need to create effective police forces. It is a failure to react to the growing reality of the insurgency in Iraq and for the need for Iraqi military, security, and police forces that could be true partners in fighting that threat.

The end result was to leave many Iraqi forces without anything approaching adequate
organization, training, equipment, and facilities. For political and other reasons, the Administration, CPA, and US command emphasized quantity over quality to the point where unprepared Iraqis were sent out to die. The end result was far more of an abuse of the troops concerned than any shortfalls in providing suitable equipment to US forces.

The other side of this story, however, is a series of changes in the way the US is
preparing Iraqi forces that may well correct these mistakes and create the kind of Iraqi forces that are vital to both Iraq's future and any successful reductions in US forces and US withdrawals from Iraq. It is not clear that these steps can overcome the legacy of past neglect and failure, but they do offer serious hope if the Administration, the US Congress, and the US military fully recognize and support the US training mission and Iraq's evolving military, security, and police forces.

The Need for Specific Changes in US Policy and Actions

This report shows that US and the Iraqi government have made significant progress since the summer of 2004. Effective Iraqi forces are now taking the field and some have proven themselves in combat. If the US is to be properly effective in carrying out this mission, however, there is still much to be done. If Iraqi military, security, and police forces are to be created at anything like the levels of strength and competence that are required, the US needs to take -- or reinforce -- the following steps:

US Policy Priorities

• Accept the fact that success in Iraq is dependent on US ability to create effective Iraqi police, security, and counterinsurgency forces as soon as possible, and that this a top priority mission. US forces can win every clash and encounter and still decisively lose the war after the war.

• Make it fully clear to the Iraqi people and the world that the US recognizes that Iraqis must both replace US and Coalition forces in visibility and eventually take over almost all missions.
• Keep reiterating that the US will set no deadlines or fixed limits on its military effort, and will support Iraq until it is ready to take over the mission and the insurgents are largely defeated.
• Make it clear that the US and Britain will not maintain post insurgency bases in Iraq, and will stay only as long as the Iraqi government requests and needs their support.
• Accept the need for a true partnership with the Iraqis and for giving them the lead and ability to take command decisions at the national, regional, and local levels as soon as they are ready. Make nation building real.
• Accept the reality that the US cannot find proxies to do its work for it. NATO may provide token aid in training, but will not provide major aid or training on the required scale. Other countries may provide politically useful contingents, but US, British, and Iraqi forces must take all major action. Stop provoking a pointless confrontation within NATO over levels of troops and training aid that the US simply will not get. Concentrate on the mission at hand.1

Priorities for Iraqi Force Development

• Keep up constant pressure on the Iraqi government to improve its effectiveness at the central, regional, and local level in supporting Iraqi forces and in providing aid and governance efforts that match the deployment and mission priorities of the security and police forces. Push the Iraqi government towards unified and timely action, towards promoting competence and removing incompetent personnel.

• Prepare and execute a transition plan to help the new Iraqi government that emerges out of the January 30, 2005 elections understand the true security priorities in the country, and ensure it acts as effectively as possible in developing effective governance and efforts to create Iraqi forces.

• Resist US and Iraqi government efforts to rush force development in ways that emphasize quantity over quality, and continue the focus on leadership, creating effective units, and ensuring that training and equipment are adequate to the task.
• Focus on the importance of political security. Security for both Iraqi governance and Iraqi elections must come as soon and as much as possible from Iraqi forces. Iraqi forces will not be ready to undertake such missions though mid 2005 and probably well into 2006, but they must be given the highest possible visibility in the roles where they are most needed. They will not be ready for the January 30, 2005 election, but careful planning will be necessary to make them ready
for the Constitutional referendum, and full national election at the end of 2005.
• Create command, communications, and intelligence systems that can tie together the Iraqi, US, and British efforts; and that will give the new Iraqi government and forces the capability they need once the US leaves.
• Make the supporting economic aid effort as relevant to the counterinsurgency campaign aspossible, and link it to the development of Iraqi government and security activity effort in the field. The aid effort must become vastly more effective in insurgent and high threat areas. One of the most senior officers pointed out as early as mid-2003 that, “Dollars are more effective than bullets. Physical security is only a prelude to economic security.”
• Take a much harder look at the problems in Iraqi governance at the central, regional, and local level. Force the issue in ensuring suitable Iraqi government coordination, responsiveness. And action. Tie aid carefully to the reality of Iraqi government civil efforts to put government in the field and follow-up military action with effective governance.
• Carefully review US military doctrine and guidance in the field to ensure that Iraqi forces get full force protection from US commanders, and suitable support, and that USA forces actively worth with, and encourage, Iraqi units as they develop and deploy.
• Reexamine the present equipment and facilities program to see if it will given all elements of Iraqi forces the level of weapons, communications, protection, and armor necessary to function effectively in a terrorist/insurgent environment. Ensure a proper match between training, equipment, facilities, and US support in force protection.
• Provide full reporting on Iraqi casualties and not simply US and Coalition forces. Fully report on the Iraqi as well as the US role in press reports and briefings. Treat the Iraqis as true partners and give their sacrifices the recognition they deserve.

The Need for Credibility and Transparency

• Start talking honestly about the threat. Admit the scale of Iraqi Sunni insurgency efforts. Be honest about the scale and nature of the foreign threat, and the complex mix of groups involved, rather than placing too much emphasis on Al Qaeda. Provide objective reporting on the role of outside powers like Iran and Syria, without exaggeration.
• Provide public and honest weekly reporting. Use transparency to force the issues so no one can delay or hide a future lack of progress. Prove to the Iraqi people, and the American people and Congress that there is real and not simply cosmetic success.
• Provide honest data on the Iraqi training effort that distinguishes serious training from token training.
• Provide similar data on facilities and equipment. Map the areas where such aid has been fully provided, and Iraqi forces have taken over the mission. Substitute frankness and transparency for propaganda.
• Force accountability on the system. Ruthlessly demand that all contract terms be met, make it clear that contract disputes will not be tolerated, and take the trouble to fire any US military and federal employees who delay contract and aid efforts.
Many serious problems remain in every aspect of the Iraqi force development program,
but the more one considers the history of this program as described in this report, the more it is clear that pursuing the right program consistently and with the right resources can succeed.

The Broader Lessons for US Policy and Planning

At the same time, the analysis in this report shows that the US has broader lessons to learn. It is difficult to review the data in this report without concluding that the US failed the Iraqi people and the Iraqi forces it was trying to create for more than a year. These failures were partly failures driven by inexperience and by the wrong kinds of planning and doctrine.

The US military was unprepared at the senior command level for counterinsurgency, and especially for serious partnership and interoperability with the new Iraqi forces it was seeking to create. The civil aid effort was organized around creating the wrong kind of police forces for a kind of nation building that could only take place in a far more permissive environment. Creating effective police and security forces for high-risk environments is a mission for which the State Department and USAID are unprepared and which should be part of an integrated effort linking the creation of effective military, security, and police forces. No one who talked to the US advisors who served in the field from the earliest days of the advisory mission to the present can have anything other than respect for what they
tried to do, and for their deep concern for the forces they were training. The advisory teams saw the Iraqis as both partners and as people.
At higher levels, however, the US government and the US military were slow to react,
and focused on US forces and US priorities. The end result was that the US effectively exploited a situation where Iraqis had no economic choice other than to volunteer, and sent them unprepared into the field. The fact these forces then had failure after failure was inevitable, and the fact that some died as a result of US incompetence and neglect was the equivalent of bureaucratic murder. The men did not fail the system; the system failed the men.

The US now has every possible incentive to create effective Iraqi military, security, and police forces. This is the only practical way to "win" in Iraq, cut the size of US commitments, and establish a government the Iraqis see as legitimate. The US certainly understands this at the command level in Iraq and in MNSTC-I, and seems to now understand it at the policy and command level in Washington as well.
What is not clear is whether all the necessary resources are really being provided, and whether a comprehensive and realistic plan exists to ensure that Iraqi military, security, and police forces develop as they should. The problem also is not simply American.

Major problems have emerged in the inability of the Iraqi Interim Government to follow up on US and Iraqi military and security efforts and to establish effective governance in the field. The reprogramming of US aid to serve military and security interests is a vital start, but it is totally unclear that a broader plan exists to recast the US economic aid effort to achieve the security and stability that is a critical precondition to longer term aid efforts.
The US not only needs a workable strategy and plan for the development of Iraqi forces, it needs one that is integrated into an overall plan for every aspect of US military, advisory, and aid activity in Iraq. This is another key lesson of the US experience in both Afghanistan and Iraq. No one can ignore the ad hoc nature of day-to-day reality, but this is no excuse for not being able to tie all US government efforts together around some common Interagency effort and maintain a focus on a common plan and strategy.

Finally, the history of the US effort to create Iraqi forces is a warning that Americans at every level need to think about what alliance and interoperability really mean in creating allied forces for this kind of nation building and warfare. Iraq is only one example of how vital a role such forces must play in many forms of asymmetric warfare. What is equally clear is that American must understand that they have a moral and ethical responsibility to the forces they are creating, and are not simply creating a useful expedient. The only truly important force numbers in this report count men, not things or dollars.

Difference of Strategic Views?: Japanese Loss of Confidence in the U.S.

Difference of Strategic Views?: Japanese Loss of Confidence in the
U.S. but Continuing Support for the Alliance.

William Breer, Japan Chair, CSIS

A joint Yomiuri Shimbun-Gallup survey released on December 15, 2004 indicated a changing public opinion in Japan and the United States. The telephone survey was conducted in November, with 1,006 respondents over the age of 20 in Japan and 1,000 over 18 in the United States.

• U.S.-Japan alliance: 64 percent of the respondents in Japan and 75 percent in the United States shared the view that the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty in the Asia-Pacific region was effective. 49 percent of Japanese respondents said their relationship with the United States was good, a nine percentage point
increase from 2003. 53 percent of American respondents shared this view.

• North Korean threat: Both Japanese and American respondents identified North Korea as a security threat in East Asia with the figure of 72 percent of Japanese and 81 percent of Americans.

• Mutual Trust: 53 percent of Japanese respondents said they did not trust the United States, a figure far higher than the 29 percent of Americans who said they distrusted Japan. The number of Japanese who said they distrusted the United States exceeded those who said they trusted it last year, and the gap haswidened from four percentage points to 15 percentage points.

• Governing of Iraq: 75 percent of Japanese respondents said they were more or less dissatisfied with the governing of Iraq led by the United States, and among those who said they were not satisfied, 61 percent said they did not trust the United States. 61 percent of Japanese said they did not hold a favorable feeling toward Bush since his reelection, and among them, 71 percent said they did not trust the United States. On the other hand, 60 percent of American respondents expressed their support for Bush.

• U.S. Forces in Japan: A gap also exists between the two countries respondents over the number of U.S. forces stationed in Japan under the U.S.-Japan Mutual Security Treaty. 42 percent of Japanese respondents said the number of U.S. forces in Japan should be reduced. Meanwhile, 59 percent of American respondents said the number should be maintained at the current level. Although the number of Japanese respondents who called for a reduction accounted for the largest percentage of the responses to this question, the increase is only 1 percentage point from last year.
Interpretation (William Breer, Yomiuri Shimbun, December 16, 2004) The Yomiuri survey of public opinion in the United States and Japan confirms many of the impressions I have gained from talking to Japanese, both in Japan and in the United States.

While the findings do not indicate a crisis in our relationship they raise a number of issues that are cause for concern and should be recognized by both nations. Whether that will be the case or not is problematic. The U.S. side is likely to remain oblivious to the future risks involved in its present course.
In my 45 years experience observing and working on U.S.-Japan relations, there has never been a period of less bilateral controversy, either over trade or national security issues. Trade friction is largely a phenomenon of the 80s and 90s. Defense cooperation is being smoothly implemented. We are coordinating closely on
Korean peninsula issues. And, Japan is providing strong support for reconstruction in Iraq.

Nevertheless, the survey indicates that Japanese trust in the United States has declined over the past two years. This may be the most important consequence of the decision to go to war against Iraq, especially in view of the fact that the intelligence base upon which the decision was made has since proven to be highly
questionable. That single fact has brought to a new low confidence in the analytical abilities and judgment of the U.S. intellectual class that had been a pillar of the relationship since 1945. America is again led by the “best and brightest” of the Vietnam era, and it turns out that they are less smart than the average American –
or Japanese. I hope the fallout is short-lived, but the decline in confidence in American moral leadership and ability to make wise choices is encouraging leaders in other countries to start thinking about hedging against future American failures of leadership.

This has already affected America’s relationship with Europe and
could have grave consequences for other alliances. America’s concentration on establishing democracy in Iraq has strained our resources to the point that our allies might start worrying about our ability to meet commitments elsewhere.
While, as noted above, there has been a decline in Japanese confidence in American leadership, the poll shows that Japanese attach as much importance as Americans to having the international community take a firm stand against international terrorism. It also demonstrates that Japanese and Americans share the view
that North Korea presents a threat to the peace and stability of Northeast Asia. This is probably the main reason support for the U.S.-Japan mutual security arrangements has increased slightly from 2003, and that
tolerance for the U.S. military presence in Japan, which rose sharply in 2001, has remained remarkably consistent.

In summary, it appears that, while there has been some erosion in the Japanese public’s confidence in American leadership, most Japanese continue to believe that the best assurance for Japanese security in the future will continue to be a close alliance with the United States.

The Yomiuri-Gallup Survey summary at the top of this issue is brought to you by Naoko Noro, Intern Scholar, Office of the Japan Chair For comments or inquiries on Japan Watch, please contact Eri Hirano at (202) 775-3144 or by e-mail at
ehirano@csis.org.

More : The People vs. Koizumi? Japan-US Relations and Japan’s Struggle ...
http://wwics.si.edu/topics/pubs/National%20Identity.pdf

Indian Evangalist's Conversion Tactics – Violence




Bodies of Hindus killed for refusing to convert by Christian converts, armed by Southern Baptist Missionaries.

While Christian Missionaries preach of peace, love and harmony, their most effective tool for conversions is violence and they will not hesitate to use it. There are hundreds of violent attacks by Christian Missionaries every year. Most of these attacks can be categorized into the following:

1. Divide & Convert (Tahiti) – One of the most efficient way and brutal ways that Missionaries have converted large amounts of people is by dividing and conquering. Missionaries will persuade a leader of a tribe that they will arm him and allow him to defeat a rival tribal if he converts to Christianity. After the conquering and pillaging of the opposing tribe, under the rule of the converted leader, both tribes convert to Christianity. One classical example occurred is the story of how the South Pacific was converted:

In 1797, thirty years after the discovery of Tahiti by Wallis, the first missionaries landed on the island. The missionaries, sent by the London Missionary Society, tried for seven years to convert the natives but were unable to make any headway.

It was then that they discovered, as if by miracle, the proper method of converting the Tahitians. They discovered that the local chief, Pomare, liked alcohol (distilled by the missionaries) so much that he became an alcoholic. Addicted to the distilled spirit (perhaps the "holy" spirit), Pomare agreed to back the missionaries in their work of conversion. Pomare, supplied with western firearms, easily subdued his native opponents. Upon his victory over his rivals, the whole island was forcibly converted in one day.

Then the process of inculcating "Christian virtues" began. Persistent unbelievers, those who refused to be converted, were executed. Singing was banned (except for hymns) and all forms of adornment, flowers or tattoo were disallowed. Of course, surfing and dancing were not permitted as well. The punishment for breaking any of these rules included, among others, being sentenced to hard labor.

Within thirty years of missionary control, the population of Tahiti fell from an initial estimate of 20,000 to 6,000. On another island, Raiatea, a man who was able to forecast the weather by studying the behavior of fish was executed for witchcraft. The missionaries continued this tactic from island to island and managed to convert the whole South Pacific.

Though this method was used centuries ago, it is still a commonly used tactic used by Christian Missionaries in tribal areas of Asia and Africa.

2. Terrorist Organizations (North-East India) – These relatively small armed tribal groups are eventually nurtured by Missionaries into violent and sadistic terrorist groups:

On December 4th, 2000, Christians converts under the direction of Missionaries, desecrated an ashram (Hindu religious retreat) set up by murdered Hindu leader Shanti Kumar Tripura. . They desecrated Hindu idols and destroyed photos of the slain religious leader revered by both Hindu tribals and Bengalis. The Christian converts also raped two female devotees and brutally attacked two men who had come to the ashram for puja (religious rituals).

The next day, Christian converts brutally desecrated another ashram at Jirania Khola and forced the inmates to stop all Hindu rituals and practices at gunpoint. A group of seven armed converted Christian terrorists barged into the ashram and threatened the 150 Hindus with dire consequences if they continued to perform Hindu rites at the ashram. The terrorists fled only after a large group of locals rushed to the ashram.

Due to threats by violent Missionaries and their Christian converts, altogether 11 ashrams, schools and orphanages set up by the murdered Hindu leader in various parts of the state have been forcibly closed down by the Christian fundamentalist terrorist organization known as “National Liberation Front of Tripura” (NLFT).

In early October the same Christian fundamentalists had issued a diktat ordering the indigenous tribal Hindus to stay away from Durga Puja celebrations (Hindu Festival) and warned that any tribal members seen taking part in the festival would be instantly killed. In its official public statement, the NLFT said it wanted all tribals in Tripura to become Christians. They also stated that salvation for Tripura lies only in Christianity and would eliminate anyone who dared to come in the way of their plans to forcibly convert all of Tripura to Christianity.

NFLT is still an active and powerful terrorist organization that operates in Northeast India. They have converted many Hindus and tribals forcibly at gunpoint, and are involved in rapes, and assassinations. They continue to receive arms as well as moral and financial support from Western Christian organizations and Missionaries.

3. Manhunts (South America) - Another method, aptly called "manhunt", involves the missionaries going out, sometimes in motorized vehicles, hunting for natives to integrate them into reservations set up for missionary work. The New Tribes Mission (NTM), for instance, went on such a manhunt in Paraguay. Five missionized natives were killed in one such manhunt. Those unconverted natives were taken to the NTM camp in Campo Loro. Within a short while, according to Survival International, all had died of new diseases they had no immunity to. Stung by criticism, the best reply the NTM 's Director in Paraguay could muster was: "We don't go after people anymore. We just provide transport."

In another such "manhunt" in 1979, also in Paraguay, one of the frightened natives fell down from a tree and broke her leg. (Her right breast had already been shot off by a previous encounter with the missionaries.) She was compelled, with her broken leg, to walk back to the mission camp. She subsequently died.

4. Kidnappings - In conjunction with the "manhunt", converted natives are trained by the missionaries to carry guns. The "newly contacted" natives are then rounded off to the mission camp. One American organization, Cultural Survival, reported in 1986 that natives in the NTM camp in Paraguay kidnapped and forced into missionary schools.

5. Forced Captivity – In one such Missionary camp, a witness described the situation of the kidnapped captives:

”I … saw two old ladies lying on some rags on the ground in the last stages of emaciation and clearly on the verge of death. One was unconscious, the second in what was evidently a state of catalepsy...In the second hut lay another woman, also in a desperate condition and with untreated wounds on her legs. A small, naked, tearful boy sat at her side...The three women and the boy had been taken in a recent forest roundup, the third woman having being shot in the side while attempting to escape.”

6. Genocide (Brazil) – There are many accounts of genocide committed by Missionaries but they rarely reported in Christian media because of the perverse nature of the crime and because they are usually committed against remote tribals. One of the most horrific massacres was of Brazilian tribals by the grossly misnamed Indian Protection Service, which Christian Missionaries supported and often assisted in killings.

In just a few years, the following tribes population was reduced due to Missionary genocide:

• Munducurus tribe: reduced from 19,000 to 1,200
• Guaranis tribe: reduced from 5,000 to 200
• Cajaras tribe: from 4,000 to 400
• Cintas Largas: from 10,000 to 500
• Tapaiunas: completely extirpated
• Other tribes were reduced to only a few (one or two!) individuals and some by only a single family.

The Missionaries employed some of the following methods in their killings:

• The Cintas Largas were attacked by dropping dynamites from airplanes.
• The Maxacalis were given alcohol and then shot down when they became drunk.
• The Nhambiquera were killed in huge numbers by machine gun fire.
• Two Patachos tribes were exterminated by giving the unsuspecting Indians smallpox injections.
• Some of the Indians were murdered by presenting them with food laced with arsenic and formicides.
• One missionary persuaded 600 Ticuna Indians that the end of the world is taking place and they will only be safe on a ranch. On that ranch the Indians were made slaves and tortured.
• The Bororos tribe was banned from performing customary religious rites on the dead. Deprived of their cultural identity, the Bororos, instead of converting, committed suicide on by one, until the tribe was extinct.

7. Intentional Denial of Medicines- In another New Tribes Mission (NTM) mission camp, many of the natives either died from starvation or from diseases transmitted by the missionaries for which they had no immunity against. In one such mission camp in Paraguay, the German anthropologist, Dr. Mark Munzel, reported that food and medicine were deliberately withheld by the missionaries. From a total of 277 natives in April 1972 only 202 survivors were left three months later. A US congressional report confirmed that 49% of the camp population had vanished!

In Bolivia, William Pencille, of the South American Missionary Society, was called in to help when white ranchers moving into the tribal areas came upon the Ayoreos. Pencille persuaded these natives to stop resisting the encroachment of the cattlemen and to settle on a patch of barren land beside a railroad tract. The natives, having no resistance to common diseases of the "modern" man, began to die. Throughout all this Pencille had the means to save the lives of these people. He had access to many modes of transport, including an airplane, and to funds which could easily have been used to buy medicines for them. Yet this is what he said: "It's better they should die. Then I baptize them (on the point of death) and they go straight to heaven."

Summary
The above is only a small sampling of the atrocities that have been committed by Missionaries. It can be seen that Missionaries do not hesitate rape, torture, enslave and murder in order to forcibly spread Christianity. Though all these events occurred in the past, some occurred as recently as only a few years ago, and they still continue today on an even larger scale unreported by Western media.

December 23, 2004

10 Countries Show Interest in BrahMos

Ten countries have shown interest in BrahMos http://brahmos.com/- the new
generation supersonic cruise missile - jointly developed by India and Russia, and have made inquiries about the possibility of acquiring them, a senior Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) official said. While three "trusted nations" have been short-listed by both the countries, A Sivathanu Pillai, the CEO and managing director of the Indo-Russian joint venture, BrahMos Aerospace, told
ToI that the export of BrahMos will be strictly restricted to friendly developing countries. "We have received inquiries from some countries, but it won't
be proper to disclose any names at this stage," he said adding that both the governments would decide on the matter. Pillai is also DRDO's chief controller
(research and development).

Air Launch http://brahmos.com/brahmos_a.pdf
Ship Launcg http://brahmos.com/brahmos_s.pdf

December 22, 2004

US Air Force F/A-22 Raptor crashed on takeoff

An Air Force F/A-22 Raptor crashed on takeoff here Dec. 20. The pilot ejected successfully and was taken to the base hospital for evaluation.

The pilot and aircraft are assigned to the 422nd Test and Evaluation Squadron here


The pilot ejected safely and suffered no serious injuries.


12/22/2004 - WASHINGTON -- Commanders of units flying the F/A-22 Raptor called for a safety stand down of the fleet following a crash Dec. 20 at Nellis Air Force Base, Nev.

The aircraft, assigned to the 422nd Test and Evaluation Squadron at Nellis, crashed on takeoff and exploded. Officials said an interim safety board will investigate the accident, but it may take months before an official determination can be made as to the cause.

Maj. Gen. Stephen M. Goldfein, commander of the Air Warfare Center at Nellis, stood down the remaining seven F/A-22s at the base immediately following the crash pending a complete inspection. That inspection could take hours or days to complete, depending upon findings.

“The purpose (of the inspections) is to prevent anything like this from happening again,” the general said.

Commanders at Tyndall AFB, Fla., and Edwards AFB, Calif., have also suspended F/A-22s from flying during a precautionary safety stand down.

“It’s doubtful (the Raptors) will be grounded for the entire length of the investigation,” said Air Force spokesman Doug Karas.

“The Air Force will investigate the accident and apply what it learns to improve flight safety of the F/A-22,” Mr. Karas said. “There should not be a long-term impact to the F/A-22 program.”

The Raptor is a priority transformational program and has logged more than 7,000 flight hours. Air Force officials said they plan to purchase about 277 of the aircraft from Lockheed Martin Corp.

“I have full confidence in the investigation process and await the results of the accident and safety investigations,” said Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. John P. Jumper. “Both investigations are important to determine the cause and prevent future mishaps.”

From Khilafat Raj to Vatican Raj

From Khilafat Raj to Vatican Raj

Note that the Church and Christian groups are objecting to showing "atrocities committed by the Portuguese" after the conquest of Goa.

So these church worthies still look to the Portuguese as their spiritual masters!

How is this different from the Khilafat, when the Indian Muslims looked to the Sultan of turkey and went on a rampage to establish the 'Khilafat Raj' (as Annie Beasant called it) in Malabar in the now whitewashed Moplah Rebellion?

Now Sonia is their new white hope to set up Vatican Raj in India, with a heritiraryrule by the dynasty that cannot rule for long by getting elected.

So Mahatma Gandhi was to be the vanguard for the Khilafat Raj, and now Sonia Gandhi is to be the Trojan Horse for the Vatican Raj-- with Sonia serving the European Union in the same manner as Musharraf serves the U.S.-- supply the men and materials to defend Europe against the soldiers of Islam.

Sonia and her progeny are to be India's Musharraf.

NSR

Church flays film on Goa liberation

http://www.indianexpress.com/full_story.php?content_id=61182
Says Ramesh Deo's Rs 40-lakh docu sponsored by govt is 'communal', criticises screening in schools across the state


RAJU NAYAK


Posted online: Monday, December 20, 2004 at 0109 hours IST



PANAJI, DECEMBER 19: The Catholic Church in Goa has come out in protest against a government-sponsored documentary on the liberation of the state from
Portuguese rule.

The Archdiocese of Goa and Daman, which viewed the documentary, said the film, Goa Ka Swadhinata Sangram, produced by Ramesh Deo, was ''highly
communal''.



The Diocesan Service Centre for Social Action (DSCSA) and the Diocesan Society of Education (DSE), in a joint statement, also criticised the state
government's decision to screen the documentary in schools across the state.

''The aim seems to fan communal hatred and draw a wedge among Goan communities living peacefully and in total communal harmony since hundreds of years,'' they added.

The DSCSA and the DSE have described the move as ''shocking'' since the Education department ''could envisage such a highly loaded'' documentary. DSE runs more than 100 schools in Goa.

The script committee, originally set up by the Manohar Parrikar
Government, comprised mainly of RSS leaders. Subsequently, some changes were
made after local historians pointed out flaws in the script.

The film, made at a cost Rs 40 lakh, shows atrocities committed by the
Portuguese after the conquest of Goa, reaction of Goans to atrocities,
especially from Velim, Assolna and Cuncolim, and the revolt of the Ranes.

It has been pointed out that in some instances, the production lacks
authenticity - like the khaki uniforms worn by the police and the army in
the years immediately after Goa was conquered.

Fr. Valerian Vaz Spokesman of the DSCSA, when contacted, said after
the Education Department sent CDs to schools, some Diocesan-managed schools
even screened it.

''But when some schools found it highly objectionable, they contacted
us. When the Department sends any circulars, they are innocently followed.
It is highly objectionable of the attitude of the Department to send CDs of
the documentary to schools at the last minute. Some schools even received
the CDs on Saturday to be screened on Sunday.''

Fr Vaz further said the way things have been presented is wrong. ''In
the beginning, it is shown that Christianity was against the local culture.
A rape is shown. Some atrocities might have occurred, but this is not the
way to present them. It will only create hatred.''

He added that ''It is ok to show the film to adults. They are mature
enough to judge it. But children might get carried away with the propaganda.
We might even write to the Chief Minister.''

However, when contacted, a history lecturer, Prajal Sakhardande, in a
local college, said there is no harm in showing anything which is a part of
history. ''It is shown that Catholic priests were behind the inquisition,
and it is a fact. Why should the church object to it,'' he asked.

Ashok N.P. Dessai, Director Education, when contacted, extended
support to the film, and said that the documentary was based on facts.

Goa Electronics Limited has been awarded the contract of producing the
CDs, and they would shortly distribute them among all the schools in Goa,
Desai added

December 21, 2004

Who paid for AQ Khan network?



Wilson John
http://www.dailypioneer.com/indexn12.asp?main_variable=EDITS&file_name=edit3
%2Etxt&counter_img=3
22nd Dec 2004

A year ago, around this time, startling revelations
were tumbling forth from
Washington about how a Pakistani rogue nuclear
scientist, Mr AQ Khan, had
set up a global chain of illegal nuclear trade with
branch offices in Dubai,
Malaysia, Germany, US, UK, Tripoli, Tehran, Baghdad
and Pyongyang. The
investigations carried out by the US intelligence
agencies and officials of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) revealed
the involvement of
several people dispersed across the globe, and raised
the spectre of
terrorists tapping into the nuclear blackmarket chain.
What the US agencies
and the media failed to focus on was that the American
taxpayer bankrolled
the nuclear underworld.

A report prepared by Observer Research Foundation, a
New Delhi-based public
policy think tank, on the AQ Khan's network, reveals
how the CIA was was
aware that "Pakistan was diverting a large portion of
its foreign aid to
nuclear development programme". In 1993, testifying
before the Senate
Committee on Government Affairs, the agency said
Pakistan had received $19
billion in aid from foreign countries and donor
agencies like the
International Monetary Fund. In a written response,
the agency said out of
$19 billion, $2.7 billion was not designated for any
specific purpose, thus
enabling Pakistan to spend it on its nuclear
programme. Even if these
figures are to be taken as real, they fail to explain
the total amount spent
by Pakistan on its nuclear development programme
between 1974 and 1993 -
$19.85 billion.

There could only be two explanations for this
accounting difference. First,
Pakistan spent the aid it received from various donor
agencies and
countries-about $19 billion according to CIA -almost
entirely on the
programme. This is highly unlikely, given Pakistan's
critical foreign
exchange reserves, a burgeoning defence budget and a
perpetual and desperate
need to find money to initiate development programmes,
especially in water
resource management. Add to all this, the scourge of
corruption. Second, the
money came from a more anonymous source, considering
no less a crucial fact
that $19.85 billion (1993) was only the official
figure. It does not take
into account the missile-to-nuke barter Pakistan had
entered into with North
Korea. Nor the money routed through the network to set
up front companies in
Europe, the US, Dubai and Britain, pay agents to
procure nuclear materials
and know-how illegally, and thereby more expensively,
and ship them to
Pakistan through various cut-outs and routes to avoid
detection.

The question is how did the money reach the Khan
Research Laboratory, the
nuclear facility set up by the Pakistan and run by Mr
AQ Khan. Most of the
funds were parked with two less-known entities - the
Ghulam Ishaq Khan
Institute of Science and Technology, set up in
Islamabad to honour President
Ghulam Ishaq Khan and Attock Cement Private Ltd
(APCL), a factory off Dera
Ghazi Khan owned by Ghaith Pharaon, a Saudi
billionaire who owns, besides
the cement unit, two oil refineries and a software
firm in Pakistan. Both
these organisations had a common link: Bank of Credit
and Commerce
International. The Institute was set up with a grant
of $10 million from the
Bank. The Institute's first director was AQ Khan, a
close ally of President
Khan from the days of Bhutto. Pharaon, declared a
fugitive by the US
authorities, was a close friend of Abedi who helped
BCCI to secretly buy an
American bank, First American, and introduce Abedi to
the power brokers in
Washington DC.

An independent investigation carried out by a US
Senate Committee in 1992
would pin down the Institute and the cement factory as
the conduits for the
BCCI to fund Pakistan's secret programme for nuclear
deals through the Black
Network. Senator John F Kerry headed the Senate
Committee, which unravelled
the web of a powerful, anonymous financial underworld
that stretched from
the lanes of Karachi to the White House. The BCCI was
not an ordinary bank.
Nor was its owner, Agha Hassan Abedi. By 1977, the
BCCI was the world's
fastest growing bank, operating from 146 branches
(including 45 in the
United Kingdom) in 43 countries including Africa, the
East Asia and the
Americas.

From assets worth $200 million, the bank, by the
mid-1980s, was operating
from 73 countries with assets over $22 billion. Its
rise was phenomenal and
of the several reasons, the most crucial was Abedi's
friendship with some of
the most powerful personalities - President Zia,
President Ghulam Ishaq
Khan, President Jimmy Carter, the ruling families of
Saudi Arabia and United
Arab Emirates, billionaires like Ghaith Pharaon,
Khalid bin Mahfouz and
Saudi intelligence chief Kamal Adham, a key liaison
man between the CIA and
Saudi Arabia.

Among those who allegedly benefited from the BCCI were
US Ambassador to the
United Nations Andrew Young, Bert Lance, Jesse
Jackson, former British Prime
Minister James Callaghan, then United Nations
Secretary General Javier Perez
de Cueller, Jamaican Prime Minister Edward Seaga,
Antiguan Prime Minister
Lester Byrd; a large number of African heads of state;
and many Third World
central bank officials. An example of Abedi's
influence could gauged from
the fact that he lent his corporate jet to Carter
after his retirement,
donated $500,000 to help establish the Carter Centre
at Emory University in
Atlanta and donated heavily to Carter's Global 2000
Foundation.

It was the John Kerry Committee that, perhaps for the
first time, hinted at
the possibility of BCCI funding the nuclear smuggling
network. In its
exhaustive report (available at www.fas.org), the
committee quoted a CIA
memorandum which stated that "the Agency did have some
reporting (as of
1987) on BCCI being used by Third World regimes to
acquire weapons and
transfer technology". In its conclusion, the Senate
report said there was
"good reason to conclude that BCCI did finance
Pakistan's nuclear programme
through the BCCI Foundation in Pakistan, as well as
through BCCI-Canada in
the Parvez case. However, details on BCCI's
involvement remain unavailable.
Further investigation is needed to understand the
extent to which BCCI and
Pakistan were able to evade US and international
nuclear non-proliferation
regimes to acquire nuclear technologies." Years later,
an Inter Services
Intelligence (ISI) officer, Major Ikram Sehgal, would
write (Gulf News,
November 24, 2001) about the mysterious, daily
remittances of $100,000 made
by BCCI in Karachi to bank accounts in Canada till
mid-1988.

With the collapse of the bank following the Senate
investigations and death
of Abedi in 1998, many of those who ran the BCCI
escaped prosecution and
vanished from the headlines but only to emerge later
as honourable
businessmen, high-profile bankers and traders, a few
as key financiers of
Osama bin Laden's network of terror. A 70-page
intelligence report prepared
by French authorities in October 2001 said Laden's
network of investments
was quite similar to the one set up by the BCCI "often
with the same people
(former directors and staff of the bank and its
affiliates, arms merchants,
Saudi investors)". The report identified dozens of
companies and individuals
who were involved with the BCCI and were found to be
dealing with the bin
Laden network after the bank collapsed.

This link has not been probed indepth and needs to be
investigated
thoroughly, given the recent disclosure by a former Al
Qaeda senior leader
about Osama bin Laden getting access to nuclear material.



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