October 29, 2005

Lashkar-e-Toiba suspected behind explosions

Blasts kill 55, injure 155 in Delhi

NEW DELHI, Oct 29: In a major strike on the eve of Diwali, terrorists carried out well coordinated bomb blasts in quick succession in two crowded markets, killing 55 people and injuring more than 155, including some foreigners.

Timely action by alert crew of a State-owned bus helped avert a big disaster when they threw out a time bomb which exploded injuring five people, including the driver.

Festive mood of Diwali and Eid turned sour as the blasts, suspected to have been engineered by Pakistan-based Lashker-e-Toiba militants, rocked Paharganj market in central Delhi at 5.40 pm and Sarojini Nagar market in south Delhi minutes later.

Majority of the casualties occurred in the Sarojini Nagar market where the bomb went off near a vendor using a gas cylinder which triggered explosions in more cylinders causing fire in a row of shops.

People were flung into the air due to the impact of the blast. Some of the bodies were badly charred. The spot presented a gory look with body parts and blood strewn all around and people ran helter skelter.

Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil put the death toll at 41 and said it could go up to 50 as some of the injured were in critical condition.

The dead included women and children. Soon after the blast, a red alert was sounded in Delhi and across the country.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh cut short his visit to West Bengal and returned to Delhi. He expressed shock and asserted that the Government was determined to defeat the nefarious designs of terrorists.

As crowds of Diwali and Eid shoppers thronged the usually packed Paharganj in central Delhi, an explosion occurred at around 5:40 pm in which 11 people died and 60 were injured. The market, which is also frequented by foreigners, was thrown into panic with people running helter skelter.

President A P J Abdul Kalam and Vice President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat condemned the attack.

Congress president Sonia Gandhi, who visited the injured in hospitals, also condemned the terror strike. Political parties condemned the blasts and BJP blamed the Government for intelligence failure and accused the Government of being soft on terrorism.

While Patil said 37 bodies were brought to Safdarjung hospital, Union Health Secretary P K Hota said seven bodies were brought to Lady Harding hospital, four to Ram Manohar Lohia hospital and two to AIIMS.

Preliminary investigation indicated that high grade explosives, suspected to be RDX, was used to trigger the blasts.

The bomb, which went off in Paharganj, was believed to have been kept either in a motorcycle or a rickshaw near a vendor’s cart surrounded by several people, including women and children. At least 11 people were killed and over 60 injured in the blast that damaged several nearby shops and buildings.

Police sources said an information was received by the police about planting of a bomb in Paharganj area and a search had already been started when the explosion occurred.

In Govindpuri, an alert conductor of a Delhi Transport Corporation bus detected a suspicious bag. He informed the driver and the two threw it out after seeing some wires coming out. The device exploded injuring five people, including the driver who is in serious condition.

According to eyewitnesses, bags were placed by some people in all the three places.

Accompanied with the blasts were the rumours about more explosions and detection of explosives at various places across the Capital.

Crisis Management Group (CMG) of the Centre, headed by Patil, held an urgent meeting to assess the situation in the Capital.

Government announced a compensation of Rs three lakh to the kin of each of those killed and Rs 50,000 to the injured. The Delhi Government said it will bear the medical cost of all those injured, even those admitted in private hospitals.

At least 10 people were detained after the blasts and police were conducting raids at hotels, lodges and other suspicious places across the Capital and adjoining Noida and Ghaziabad, to nab the culprits.

Pickets were erected all across Delhi and vehicles were being checked. (PTI)

No curfew break in POK ,Gilgit on Jummatul Vida

GILGIT: There would be no curfew break in Gilgit on Jummatul Vida. Officials on loud speakers warned the people to avoid violating curfew break and stay at homes. The decision was taken to avoid un toward incident, an official statement said.

Dr Shabir Choudhry said "It is a sign of peace that after nearly two weeks rulers still have to rely on curfew. This will surely enhance love for Pakistani rulers, they claim from time to time that people of 'ocupied Kashmir' are desperate to become part of Pakistan, and people of Gilgit and Baltistan have already acceded Pakistan and have earned them a place in heaven by showing their loyalty to Pakistani rulers. "

Mushrraf has activate Terrorists in all the earthquake effected areas

The recent remarks of BSF commandant are right. The earthquake has perished about 80 % of terrorists and their camps. That is why terrorist master (GeneralMusharaf) has decided to revive terrorist network by allowing them to take part in the earthquake rehiblitation and aid work. Musharraf is playing this game very cleverly, by manipulating with the terrorists.
He also shows the world that terrorists are against him, but actually they are his confidential and trustworthy people, who act to bring India on the TABLE by terrorism. Mushrraf has activate Terrorists in all the earthquake effected areas, so they can manage to get benefits of International donation on one hand and sympathy one the other.
Third, they try to involve the earthquake effected poor people by showing money and other esential commodities. This is Musharaf's strategy to re-activate the ISI trained and sponsored terrorists in the whole region.
Fourthly, I'll also tell you one thing, that Indian Security forces particularly BSF's past is also not good. There were authentic reports, that BSF had crossed many many terrorists along with their weapons for money. Unless internal support and lapses in security forces, terrorists cannot move. Sorry for forwarding this bitter truth.

Abdul Hamid Khan
Balawaristan National Front (BNF)

October 28, 2005

"Project Kuwait" Will Provoke a Heated Parliamentary Debate

by Nader Habibi

Kuwait's crude oil reserves are estimated at around 100 billion barrels, while current production stands at 2.6 million barrels per day (b/d). For the past eight years, the government of Kuwait has tried to win parliamentary approval for participation of foreign oil companies in development of the country's northern oil fields. Up until last June, the Kuwaiti parliament showed little interest in this initiative, which is known as Project Kuwait (PK). Finally, in June, the parliamentary committee for finance and economy voted to recommend the project for debate and approval. While many MPs were—and some remain—opposed to PK, the head of this committee, Wahab al-Haroun, was a strong supporter who played a crucial role in pushing the initiative forward. The committee, however, gave its approval only after adding some modifications that limited the project's scope. Parliament, which began its new session after the summer recess on October 17, is expected to finally debate this proposal in the next few weeks.

Project Kuwait would allow foreign oil firms to operate in four oil fields—Rawdhatain, Sabriey, Ratqa, Abdalli—located in the northern part of the country. Since the constitution of Kuwait prohibits foreign ownership or control of oil assets, these firms will operate under a special type of service contract, called Incentivised Buy Back Contracts (or IBBC). Under IBBC, the foreign partner that works on expanding the production capacity of these fields, will be paid an allowance for capital investment, a fixed fee per barrel of production, and an incentive for additional production above a predetermined level. Many aspects of these contracts will be similar to the buyback contracts that Iran and several other oil-exporting countries have adopted in recent years. According to PK projections, oil output from these fields will rise from 530,000 b/d currently to 900,000 b/d by 2020. In anticipation of parliamentary approval for this initiative, the Kuwait Oil Company has created a new entity named Kuwait Development Company (KDC) to manage Project Kuwait. This firm has taken control of the oil assets in the four oil fields that will be available to Project Kuwait. Foreign oil firms are expected to invest up to US$40 billion in these fields during 2006–20.

The Kuwait Petroleum Company is a strong supporter of Project Kuwait, which also enjoys backing from high-ranking members of the ruling al-Sabah family. Proponents point to many benefits of opening up the oil industry to foreign participation. Their main argument is that Kuwait needs the technological capability of multinational corporations to modernize and expand its oil production. Moreover, Project Kuwait could attract up to US$40 billion in direct foreign investment during 2006–20. Kuwait did introduce a new foreign investment law in 2001 that offered many incentives for foreign direct investment, but severe restrictions still hamper the oil industry. The third benefit is the creation of thousands of new jobs for Kuwaiti nationals during this 15-year period. Indeed, creating jobs for Kuwait's young population has become a major challenge for the government in recent years.

Several parliamentary blocs are still opposed to Project Kuwait. These opponents have repeatedly argued that it violates Kuwait's constitution, which strictly forbids foreign ownership of crude oil and other mineral assets. They also believe that, with oil prices expected to remain high in the foreseeable future, Kuwait does not need any additional capacity and can meet its financial needs under current production and export levels. Some PK opponents also claim that the poor technical progress in the oil industry is a result of mismanagement and corruption, which can be remedied with better management and more effective leadership.

After eight years of political wrestling, though, both sides of the PK argument may be ready for compromises that could finally lead to parliamentary approval. The opponents, headed by MP Nasser al-Abdali, have announced they might support the project if parliament is given a more proactive role in its supervision. This would include the right to screen the contract awards and demand revisions to the terms of these contracts. For its part, the Kuwaiti government, will likely show more flexibility on these compromises to move the project forward. Indeed, it has already acceded to some modifications requested by the finance and economy committee, including a reduction in the number of oil fields covered under the project from five to four. The compromises and concessions from both sides give Project Kuwait a more than 50% chance of approval, but parliament might still be distracted by other issues in the coming weeks. For example, mounting concerns about corruption in various government ministries could preoccupy parliament for several weeks. Furthermore, the outcome of parliamentary debate over government corruption might very well affect the ministers' attitude toward this project.

Can al-Qaeda Endure Beyond bin Laden?

By Michael Scheuer

The question of al-Qaeda's longevity after the demise of its figurehead is ultimately unanswerable until bin Laden is actually gone. There are those who believe bin Laden is dead—which would surely be one of history's best kept secrets—and argue that al-Qaeda has proven its survivability. While never saying never, it seems exceedingly likely that bin Laden is alive, and on that presumption the following analysis is based.

Man or Organization

Too often, al-Qaeda's post-bin Laden future is discussed solely on the basis of who will place him. It is asked whether the successor will have bin Laden's intelligence, charisma, and jihadi credentials. Or, can Zawahiri, Sayf al-Adl, Zarqawi, one of bin Laden's sons, or a now-unknown mujahid fill the top position? Thus, much of the analysis about a new al-Qaeda leader's impact focuses on personalities and their respective strengths and weaknesses, and frequently fails to examine the nature of the organization bin Laden's successor will inherit.

The al-Qaeda organization, as all know, was formed in the last months of Moscow's occupation of Afghanistan, around mid-1988. Bin Laden played the lead role in its formation, but his colleagues—Wali Khan Amin Shah, Abu Hajir al-Iraqi, Wael Julaidan, Muhammed Jamal Khalifah, etc.—also played a part. What was the group's goal in establishing al-Qaeda? It was meant to maintain the Islamist momentum attendant to the Red Army's defeat. It was also intended to be an organization governed by Islamist principles. Furthermore, it was meant to be patterned on the Afghan Islamist insurgent groups—those of Khalis, Hekmtayar, Sayyaf, and Masood—which had defeated the Soviets. (It always is worth noting that al-Qaeda is not modeled on a terrorist group.) Finally, from its inception, al-Qaeda has targeted the United States.

Yet, the foregoing are intentions to be accomplished, they are not the basic reason for al-Qaeda's creation. The best phrase to describe why al-Qaeda was created is "long-term durability." At the most fundamental level, al-Qaeda's founders wanted to build an organization that would preserve and—here bin Laden's CEO talents came into play—institutionalize the mechanisms built during the 1980s to support the Afghan mujahideen and, once institutionalized, use them to support militant Islam worldwide. How to enumerate these mechanisms is an open question, but it fair to list five mechanisms that al-Qaeda's founders thought essential to the long-term durability of their organization, regardless of who was serving as its chief.


The Afghan jihad was expensive, and bin Laden saw this reality first hand. Bin Laden, moreover, was directly involved in the funding process, serving early in the war as a channel through which private and official Saudi monies went to the mujahideen. (Bin Laden's counterpart in funding was Shaykh Abdullah Azzam, who brought money from the non-Gulf Middle East and the Muslim Brotherhood.)

By the Afghan war's mid-point, moreover, bin Laden and other Arab mujahideen began forming all-Arab insurgent units. While it is likely that Pakistani intelligence diverted some official U.S. and Saudi funds to the groups, bin Laden has explained that the Arabs did not want to be tainted by U.S. support and so developed funding sources and channels independent of those supporting the Afghans.

Since the end of the Afghan war, al-Qaeda's funding capability has been solidified and expanded on the basis that established it in the 1980s. Al-Qaeda's worldwide growth and multifaceted activities—attacking America, supporting Islamic insurgencies, training fighters, etc.—demanded reliable funding. The group's well-documented record of success suggests funding is ample and that the channels carrying the funds are hidden and not susceptible to interdiction.


Many wealthy Muslims were willing buy weapons for the Afghans but were unwilling to work with Riyadh or the U.S. government. Faced with this reality, bin Laden and other Arabs crafted a weapons-procurement system for the Afghan mujahideen that, like the funding mechanism, ran parallel to the U.S.-Saudi system. Bin Laden and his colleagues ran this parallel mechanism and used it to arm the Afghans and themselves. Before al-Qaeda was formed, therefore, its leaders were well-versed in clandestine procurement and transportation of arms, communications gear, and military accoutrements.

Since 1988, bin Laden and his lieutenants have improved their procurement system to accommodate the al-Qaeda group‘s needs, as well as to arm its allies. There is no evidence that al-Qaeda and its allies have ever suffered more than a temporary shortage of conventional weapons. Al-Qaeda also has created a second, separate procurement channel for acquiring weapons of mass destruction (WMD), particularly nuclear weapons. This system benefits from al-Qaeda's successful recruitment of scientists, engineers, technicians, and hands-on practitioners of building such weapons from, at least, Pakistan's WMD programs. The extent of this second system's success is not known, but if the targeted application of money, time, expertise, and leadership pressure can yield success, it would be a mistake to assume that WMD-acquisition is too difficult for a non-state actor like al-Qaeda.

Manpower and Logistics

Bin Laden, Abdullah Azzam, and their colleagues began their jihad careers building and managing a network that supplied men for the Afghan war. Bin Laden et al. brought non-Afghan Muslims from across the Islamic world to Pakistan to serve as fighters and as workers in hospitals, arms dumps, refugee camps, clinics, and NGOs. Their effort was successful and created a network of travel routes, trusted facilitators, and way stations where jihad-bound travelers could be succored. By war's end, this system had matured to the extent that very few volunteers could not reach the jihad.

At its founding, al-Qaeda faced the task of turning this single-direction system—all roads led to Afghanistan—into one that could continue bringing men to South Asia for training, transport trainees to camps in Yemen and Sudan, and move trained fighters to combat theaters in Tajikistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya. Al-Qaeda obviously succeeded in a systemic expansion which has accommodated ever larger numbers. Indeed, manpower never has been a problem for al-Qaeda; it is now present in 75-plus countries, has sizeable contingents in Afghanistan and Iraq, and has combat trainers, logisticians, and veteran fighters involved in most of the world's Islamist insurgencies. Al-Qaeda's manpower and logistical capabilities—like those for funding and procurement—can be described as effective and relatively immune from disruption.

Training and Personnel Services

Bin Laden's 1988 operational priority was for al-Qaeda to train Muslim militants from around the world at the groups' camps, and provide far-flung Islamist insurgencies with a cadre to train fighters locally and be a "stiffening agent" for local forces. The al-Qaeda cadre added to Taliban forces in 1996, for example, added skill and professionalism to Mullah Omar's campaign against the Northern Alliance around Kabul. The al-Qaeda cadre had the same impact on Kashmiri insurgent forces in the late 1990s. Today, al-Qaeda's training capability in Afghanistan is constrained, but the steady pace of combat in the insurgencies in the Philippines, Chechnya, Afghanistan, Iraq, and elsewhere suggests training remains an al-Qaeda priority and is being executed outside Afghanistan.

As for any military organization, al-Qaeda's personnel services for combatants and their families are vital both to maintain morale and prevent disgruntled fighters or their families from publicly denigrating the group or, worse, providing information about it to the enemy. After a decade of war with the United States, we know little about how al-Qaeda's personnel services work. We do know, however, that no individual has come forward in the media to attack al-Qaeda for the treatment he or she received from the group, nor have there been intelligence leaks about an ill-treated al-Qaeda fighter or family member providing information that damaged group—data Western governments surely would have leaked if it existed. On the other hand, anecdotal accounts abound of al-Qaeda providing health care and financial aid to the families of fighters killed in battle or absent on operations; doing everything possible to provide special care such as prosthetic devices for wounded fighters; and delivering monthly stipends to families of imprisoned fighters. In sum, al-Qaeda's personnel services seem to help maintain high morale and stubborn loyalty toward the organization.


From al-Qaeda's first day to the present, bin Laden's priority has been to incite and instigate Muslims to support and participate in a defensive jihad against the United States and its allies. He and his lieutenants have spent large amounts of money, time and imagination to build a world-class media and propaganda apparatus. Today, that apparatus is in full operation. Bin Laden and Zawahiri appear on and dominate the international media at times of their choosing. As important, al-Qaeda's multifaceted Internet presence keeps its religious views, political and ideological commentary, and news reports constantly before its most important constituency, the Muslim world's computer-literate middle- and upper-middle classes.

Al-Qaeda also has used the Internet to drastically reduce the need for would-be mujahideen to travel to places like Afghanistan, Yemen, or Sudan for training. By mounting military and intelligence manuals on the Internet, al-Qaeda has created a situation where training can be conducted in virtually any country on earth, thereby increasing the chance of evading the eye of Western governments.


Al-Qaeda's post-bin Laden effectiveness will, in significant measure, depend on leadership qualities of his successor. Realistically, there is little reason to think a potential successor will have the same credentials and talents that have powered bin Laden's leadership. Yet, his successor may not need equivalent credentials and talents. Al-Qaeda is now a well-established, 17-year-old firm; indeed, the parts of it that developed from mechanisms that supported the Afghans against the Soviets have been operating for 25 years. In short, al-Qaeda is now what its founders intended: a reliable, professional organization that has demonstrated long-term durability. Thus, bin Laden's successor will inherit a proven, well-functioning organization, one that will give him time to grow on the job without the need to spend most of his time keeping the organization running.

Michael Scheuer served in the CIA for 22 years before resigning in 2004. He served as the Chief of the bin Laden Unit at the Counterterrorist Center from 1996 to 1999. He is the once anonymous author of Imperial Hubris: Why the West is Losing the War on Terror and Through Our Enemies' Eyes: Osama bin Laden, Radical Islam, and the Future of America. Scheuer is a regular contributor to Terrorism Focus.

October 27, 2005

Tomorrow’s Air Warfare : A German Perspective on the Way Ahead

Lt Col Frank M. Graefe, German Air Force

Editorial Abstract: Operation Iraqi Freedom’s application of joint operations, networkcentric warfare, and improved sensors and weapons will influence future NATO equipment and force-structure decisions. The author states that nations who do not adjust to these developments will not meet the standards required of future coalition partners. NATO’s implementation of a Response Force and other initiatives indicates that it understands this message and is strengthening transatlantic links.

In years to come, operational scenarios will increasingly require multinational cooperation.1 This notion applies not only to defense alliances with structures already established in peacetime—such as NATO or the European Union of the future—but also, and more particularly, to so-called coalitions of the willing, tailored to the specific requirements of a given mission. Some time ago, for example, the essential program for achieving this interoperability included NATO’s Defense Capability Initiative. Meanwhile, the NATO Response Force, expected to reach its full operational capability in 2006, has become the driving force of transformation and the benchmark of its success. Plans call for equipping the European contingents of the NATO Response Force in a way that ensures they can fully cooperate with US forces across the entire range of operations. Due to the United States’ military-pioneering role and technological superiority, that country will predominantly determine the developments in warfare over the next several decades. Therefore, one would do well to take a closer look at the US policy documents and strategy papers that will govern such developments and to draw lessons from the US conduct of operations during Operation Iraqi Freedom. Doing so will help identify the changes that coalition partners of the United States have to follow in order to ensure compatibility in terms of the conduct of operations.

Lessons learned from Iraqi Freedom make it possible to derive conclusions about air warfare in future conflicts. However, any evaluation of the results from that operation must consider the war’s initial situation:

• Sorties flown in the northern and southern no-fly zones neutralized a major share of the enemy air defense systems before the beginning of hostilities. Furthermore, the Iraqi air force did not fly a single sortie. Thus, the coalition enjoyed air superiority over most of the country from the very beginning, obviating the need for an extended air campaign as a prerequisite for the ground offensive.

• Analysis of the initial deployment must not ignore the fact that since Operation Desert Storm in 1991, coalition forces—some of them with heavy equipment—had remained in the Gulf region, able to prepare for a major force deployment.

• Ultimately, one must consider the differing capabilities of the adversaries involved in the conflict in terms of technology and training. From the very beginning, the Iraqi armed forces, elements of which were more suitable for preventing domestic riots than for conducting warfare, proved incapable of acting jointly. Thus, what took place on the Iraqi side during the operation amounted to a very static land war.

Due to these circumstances, then, one cannot readily apply lessons from the Iraq war to future conflicts. Nevertheless, one can derive some principles from the US transformation concept and the practical course of the war. The central element of the transformation process entails an evolution towards forces that lend themselves to more efficient employment. Future wars will be waged by rapidly deployable, smaller, more mobile, and lighter forces, capable of immediately engaging in combat operations in the theater of operations. In this context, mere force ratio will become less important. Indeed, future operations will exhibit jointness, further development of networkcentric warfare (NCW), intensive employment of special operations forces (SOF), and an increase in information operations. Thus, a faster pace, improved accuracy and flexibility in the conduct of operations, accurate but massive air strikes, and effects-based operations will determine operational planning.2 Other determining factors will include the extended use of outer space; utilization of high technology, smart bombs, and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV), which deliver near-real-time reconnaissance results for a networked battlefield; and rapid movement of mobile ground forces.

These trends, occasionally summarized in the media under the term Rumsfeld Doctrine, are reflected in concepts and strategy papers developed to a major extent by military thinkers before Donald Rumsfeld’s second tenure as US secretary of defense. One finds these thoughts particularly well expressed in the military -strategic-policy document known as Joint Vision 2020.3 This article considers the new level of jointness, the capability to conduct NCW, the significance of new sensors and weapons, and the importance of mobility and support.

The war in Iraq marked the fading of air forces’ predominant role and the increasing one played by land forces. In the Gulf War of 1991, the war in Kosovo, and Operation Enduring Freedom, the focus shifted to the capabilities of airpower, with armies relegated to the background. Today, high-tech war waged from the air provides an essential contribution to the reconnaissance and engagement of the enemy’s political and military command and communication structure. Surgical operations conducted over great distances and with substantial precision (which spares the civilian population and minimizes the loss of friendly forces) demonstrate the vital and crucial impact of airpower. Even today, however, airpower alone cannot decisively achieve the operational objective. Accordingly, the ground war during Iraqi Freedom showed that heavy armored units with considerable firepower still constitute a necessary element of combined-arms combat.

In general, although future wars will still require ground forces, airpower and air superiority will continue to have decisive importance for operational success—despite all asymmetric forms of war. For instance, given the endurance and precision of their modern assets, air forces can relieve land forces by preventing the concentration or forming up of the enemy’s army. Moreover, air forces together with naval forces contribute to operational success by deploying personnel and providing logistic support.

The Iraq war clearly showed that success requires each service’s simultaneous, optimized employment of a whole range of diverse, quickly employable weapon systems based on impressive information superiority and information density on the entire battlefield; SOF employment; and information operations. In particular the interaction among SOF personnel; intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) assets; and air forces, as well as the employment of 802 US Navy Tomahawk land-attack missiles demonstrated an essential aspect of joint warfare. The war also illustrated the advantage and effectiveness of joint operations, which had developed from mere cooperation in terms of deconfliction in 1991 to an exemplary integration. In the future, boundaries between the individual types of air-warfare operations will become blurred or even disappear completely since we can employ weapon platforms more flexibly. Moreover, the increased flow of information will make a clear differentiation between various categories of air operations obsolete with respect to the planning and deconfliction process. The effectiveness of joint warfare also implicitly concludes that smaller but better-trained force components are sufficient for the successful conduct of operations. For instance, ground forces employed in Iraqi Freedom comprised only three US divisions and one British division.

However, this extent of jointness works only if the individual services are closely networked. The Iraq war and other conflicts of the recent past did not include a coherent battlefield with an uninterrupted front line, and one cannot assume such a configuration for future wars. Without networking, armed forces fail to operate efficiently in such an environment. Thus, we can conclude that NCW is an absolute prerequisite for jointness.

Networkcentric Warfare
Characteristics of NCW include speed, information superiority, and flexible decision superiority—the basis for execution superiority. Information superiority depends upon a multitude of different space- and air-based sensors. In this context, future development will include minimizing compatibility problems among different sensors used by the individual services and organizations to gather reconnaissance data. The ultimate objective involves producing a uniform, accessible situation picture in which information from the various domains flows together. The US Air Force has designed its ISR manager, currently under development, to present data provided by Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS), Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar System (JSTARS), U-2, Rivet Joint, and UAV aircraft, as well as the US Navy’s EP-3 electronic--reconnaissance aircraft, simultaneously in one situation picture. One finds a similar approach in the concept of the MC2A-X multisensor experimental aircraft, designed to integrate on one platform the abilities of AWACS to control air warfare, of JSTARS to monitor land warfare, and of Rivet Joint aircraft to collect signals intelligence. Furthermore, one should consider adding tanker functions to this aircraft’s repertoire.

In order to ensure decision superiority, procedures have been developed and organizations established so that representatives of the reconnaissance, intelligence-service, and military-leadership communities can make coordinated, quick decisions. One finds a negative example—delayed decision making—in the time--consuming targeting process that occurred in the Kosovo war. But the time-sensitive--targeting cell established in the combined air operations center (CAOC) in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, during the Iraq war enabled forces in the theater of operations to react immediately, thanks to the capability of making rapid decisions.

Only the networking of modern sensors—which can perform battlefield reconnaissance and surveillance in near real time—with weapons provides the basis for information and decision superiority. Such networking directly affects the pace of operations. For instance, it reduced the time required from target acquisition to the release of weapons (i.e., the sensor-to-shooter gap) from days or hours in the Gulf War of 1991 to hours or minutes in Iraqi Freedom. Future technical developments, such as the aforementioned MC2AX and the ISR manager, as well as new procedures will further reduce this gap. In Afghanistan, for instance, a Predator UAV communicated reconnaissance data directly to an AC-130 for the first time. This not only obviated the need for time-consuming data transfer as well as analysis and evaluation in a CAOC, but also allowed the AC-130 to use its weapons directly during first overflight without conducting a preliminary reconnaissance flyby. Additionally, this procedure displayed another essential element of NCW. Specifically, forwarding information to lower levels of command results in more autonomous and decentralized warfare, giving units at those levels more responsibility. This kind of warfare—in which the commander gives lower-level units more freedom and responsibility to fulfill their mission as long as they act in accordance with overall tactics—has been part of German warfare doctrine since the mid-nineteenth century; it is known as Auftragstaktik. That is why we think German forces are well prepared to employ NCW in this regard.

In order to avoid losing contact with the digitized network system of NCW, one must establish the following prerequisites: inter-operability, modern means of identification, the ensuring of swift decision making, improvement of joint planning, and further technological development of sensors and weapons. In the future, NCW will link reconnaissance results from outer space and the air with intelligence, the command and communication level, and the battlefield. It does not replace direct combat, however. The information edge and distribution of information to appropriate levels can minimize but not eliminate the Clausewitzian “fog of war.”

The fact that 10 types of UAVs equipped with different sensors saw action in the Iraq war illustrates their increased significance in various operations. Their importance will continue to grow in view of the replaceability and manifold employment options of unmanned systems. The endurance of UAVs allows them to loiter over or pursue a target until a weapon system arrives to engage it (see the above-mentioned example of the Predator and the AC-130). Alternatively, plans call for equipping UAVs themselves with weapons—witness the arming of the Predator with Hellfire missiles, which has set a trend in this regard. UAVs are also performing ISR. In the Iraq war, almost no manned tactical aircraft conducted penetrating air-reconnaissance missions. Apart from satellite reconnaissance, UAVs such as the Predator or Global Hawk performed standoff, high-altitude, or penetrating reconnaissance.

Due to the UAV’s all-weather and night-fighting capability, weather conditions and darkness-related restrictions will become less significant factors in warfare. These unmanned systems make it possible to fight accurately at night, without either restrictions or detection by the enemy. They can also employ weapons accurately in fog, clouds, smoke, or haze. Thus, the battlefield of the future will no longer offer the enemy any sanctuaries since UAVs can monitor and engage forces around-the-clock. An all-weather, night-fighting capability will become an indispensable prerequisite for any participation in air operations.

Domination of outer space will become a greater factor in air superiority. Although space-based military and civilian systems deliver communication, reconnaissance, and weather data, only satellites permit the employment of new weapons controlled by the global positioning system (GPS), such as the Joint Direct Attack Munition. With their synchronized time base, satellites play an essential role in NCW. During Iraqi Freedom, a total of 27 satellites determined the position of friendly and foreign forces and identified target coordinates.

The Iraqis’ attempt to jam the GPS marked the beginning of “navigation warfare,” in which asymmetrical countermeasures will seek to deny access to state-of-the-art navigation means. After the Iraq war, Secretary Rumsfeld announced accelerated implementation of “navigation warfare doctrine,” designed to deny the enemy the utilization of the GPS while ensuring its military usage by friendly forces. This would involve local jamming of the civilian GPS signal or using new technologies.

Operations showed that preplanned actions in the classical modes are becoming less significant due to short-notice changes to the mission and the allocation of targets to aircraft during a sortie. These procedures require flexibility in terms of command, control, employment, and armament. Modern platforms develop into multirole aircraft designed for several modes of employment and capable of carrying as many types of munitions as possible.

The choice of munition changes the appearance of air warfare. Developments in arms technology lead to improvement in precision capability and the utilization of several different control systems in a weapon (e.g., laser-guided, satellite-controlled, and inertially guided systems). As a result, operations become more cost-effective, optimization of weapons employment to the target improves, and the risk of collateral damage declines. For instance, the relatively low number of civilian casualties in the Iraq war and images showing the largely intact cityscape of Baghdad reflect the success of efforts to spare civilian targets, as does preservation of the civilian infrastructure and economic basis in order to establish a postwar order.

To some extent, coalition aircraft used inert bombs during the war to emphasize the effect of bombing rather than the effect of weapons. However, despite the high technology, dumb bombs represented 30 percent of all munitions dropped because of their usefulness against certain targets—for example, the engagement of mechanized units. All in all, one observes a trend away from preplanned to dynamic targeting and from classical attrition bombing to effects-based bombing.

The employment of strategic bombers in cooperation with SOF personnel suggests that their endurance and load capacity will make them significant weapon systems for the future, whenever we establish air superiority as a prerequisite for their employment. Thanks to their range, obtaining basing permissions for them is not necessary. In the future, only a command, control, communications, computers, intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance platform that is secure, fast, effective in near real time, and redundant will assure the establishment of air superiority. The integration of other armed forces in technological and procedural terms will become more difficult because of the accelerated development of US airpower.

Mobility and Support
In this context, one must take into consideration the factors of combat service support. Logistics must be able to stay abreast of this quick-paced conduct of operations. For instance, during Iraqi Freedom, the capacity of the logistics system determined the pace of the land forces. Turkey’s refusal to let US forces operate from its territory underscores our dependence on basing rights, an issue that will become particularly significant in the future.

We must also have the ability to deploy forces quickly and over great distances. One option entails acting early and deploying forces to smaller, temporary locations in or near potential crisis areas, as occurred in the Iraq war. Another option involves strategically relocating forces, as the United States did when it moved the 173rd Airborne Brigade from Italy to the theater of operations in northern Iraq and airlifted the 26th Marine Expeditionary Unit directly from the Mediterranean Sea into the combat area.

Since we can transport only a small percentage of personnel and materiel by air, we must begin to concentrate on permanently relocating weapon systems to sea-based contingents all over the world. During the aforementioned air-land operation in northern Iraq, a C-17 transport aircraft relocated an M-1 Abrams tank for the first time, but relocating a single tank with a C-17 requires too much effort. From the sea, however, one can project military power worldwide, collect enemy information at an early stage, and become less dependent upon support bases and foreign-sovereignty issues. Using large, fast transport platforms (e.g., airlifters) to conduct strategic sealift and airlift will determine the course of future warfare.

The insights gained from Iraqi Freedom will have a lasting influence on the doctrine of future (air) wars. Jointness, networkcentric warfare, and, in particular, improvements in sensors and weapons characterize this new form of war, which will change the “classical picture” of armed forces and have implications for the structure and equipment of the armed services. But the asymmetry typical of this war does not permit a generally valid conclusion. Regardless, we have crossed the threshold of a new form of warfare. A nation that does not follow this development will find itself unable to meet the standards required of a coalition partner in future wars.

By implementing the NATO Response Force, the alliance has demonstrated its understanding of this message. NATO seriously approaches transformation by reorganizing alliance structures, armed forces, and capabilities. Doing so will serve to gradually close the often quoted transatlantic gap in the fields of technology and the conduct of operations, thus strengthening NATO as the key transatlantic link.


1. During the course of Operation Iraqi Freedom, all 29 students of the 47th German Air Force Command and Staff College course at the F├╝hrungsakademie in Hamburg (the German Armed Forces Command and Staff College) evaluated the lessons learned from the air war over Iraq. They produced a 200-page study published in Germany and disseminated throughout the German Air Force. This article derives from that study’s last chapter, written by the author.

2. One glossary defines effects-based operations (EBO) as “a process for obtaining a desired strategic outcome or ‘effect’ on the enemy, through the synergistic, multiplicative, and cumulative application of the full range of military and nonmilitary capabilities at the tactical, operational, and strategic levels.” Joint Forces Command Glossary, http://www.jfcom.mil/about/glossary.htm#E. Decisive action takes place directly against an enemy’s critical vulnerabilities and centers of gravity in order to achieve effects formerly attainable only after long periods of tactical and operational attrition. For instance, during Iraqi Freedom, coalition forces took pains to spare the energy-supply system, transportation infrastructure, and media institutions so as to enhance the postwar order. EBO offers an opportunity to reduce costs and avoid collateral damage. Doing so helps justify war in the public eye—a requirement that will become even more significant in the future.

3. Joint Vision 2020 (Washington, DC: Joint Chiefs of Staff, 2000).


Lt Col Frank M. Graefe (MS, University of Armed Forces, Munich, Germany) is commander, 2nd Squadron, Fighter Wing (FW) 71 “Richthofen,” Wittmund Air Base (AB), Germany. He has served in a variety of flying and staff positions, including operational flying in FW 73 “Steinhoff,” Laage AB, Germany, and FW 74, Neuburg AB, Germany. Colonel Graefe started basic flying training at Sheppard AFB, Texas, and attended operational training course F-4 at Holloman AFB, New Mexico. He is now a senior pilot with over 1,000 flight hours in the F-4F Phantom. Colonel Graefe is a graduate of the Fuehrungsakademie—the German Armed Forces Command and Staff College, Hamburg.

Nalchik: Chechen Rebels Build on Ancestor's Tactics

By Andrei Smirnov

The attack on Nalchik, the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria, on October 13 again demonstrated the unpredictability of the Chechen or, more accurately, Caucasian insurgency. When Chechen separatist leader Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev in May issued a decree establishing the Caucasian front, independent observers and Russian security officials alike attempted to determine where Shamil Basaev would strike next. Many believed that it would be Dagestan, the largest North Caucasian region. There was almost no reprieve in bombings and shootouts in the republic during the entire summer. At the beginning of the fall, law enforcement agencies increased their search operations in Dagestan, expecting that a major rebel attack was imminent. On October 10, just three days before the attack on Nalchik, a group of gunmen ambushed a police motorcade in the Dagestani mountain region of Untsukul. The ambush led the military to believe that the militants had gathered in the district in preparation for a large-scale attack. Russian troops were sent to comb the area. An official told Interfax on October 10 that it was possible that the air force would be used in the search operation.

The authorities also believed that a rebel offensive was possible in Chechnya. All mountain districts and forests in the valley area were bombed and shelled almost daily beginning in the end of the summer.

Yet the rebels attacked Nalchik and, even more surprisingly, no Chechens were among the attackers except Basaev himself. RIA Novosti on October 14 quoted a source in a law enforcement body of the Southern Federal District as saying that rebels from all over the North Caucasus had participated in the Nalchik attack. Shamil Basaev said in his statement published by Kavkazcenter website that commanders from the Ossetian and ethnic Russian-dominated Krasnodar Krai sectors of the rebel Caucasian front had taken part in the raid. A report by the Memorial human rights organization on the events in Nalchik stated that one resident of Ingushetia, two ethnic Russians and three Ossetians were found among the dead rebels. As for the others who were killed in action, Memorial said that all of them were local Balkars or Kabardinians, grani.ru reported on October 20.

Despite the multi-ethnic structure of the rebel groups that took part in the Nalchik raid, there are no doubts that the Chechen separatists were behind the operation. Abdul-Khalim Sadulaev ordered the attack on the capital of Kabardino-Balkaria and Shamil Basaev organized and coordinated it. A short video film posted by Kavkazcenter showed a meeting of rebel commanders prior to the raid, which presumably took place in the mountains of Kabardino-Balkaria. One can see in the film that the commanders were sitting together with Basaev under the Chechen flag. Immediately after the raid, Akhmed Zakaev, the London-based Chechen rebel envoy, said that the attack on Nalchik was the first real success of the new policy to achieve Chechen independence from Russia.

The current Chechen policy of mobilizing other Caucasian nations in the struggle against Russia is not new. The Chechens have always tried to use this strategy to weaken the Russian offensive on Chechnya and strengthen their own forces. In 1785, Sheikh Mansur, the leader of the first organized rebellion of the Chechens against Russian domination in the region, marched with his forces to Kabarda to persuade the locals to join him and spread the anti-Russian revolt to the western part of the North Caucasus. In 1846, Imam Shamil, raided Kabarda to inspire an anti-Russian uprising. The attempts of both leaders failed, however, because only a fraction of the Kabardinians supported them. Imam Shamil as well as Sheikh Mansur had to bring their own armies to Kabarda, which could not resist the overwhelming Russian forces without sufficient support from locals.

In 1991, Dzhokhar Dudaev, the first president of the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, also tried to unite all Caucasians regions under separatist slogans. He formed the Confederation of the Caucasian Nations, which consisted of people from all the republics of the North Caucasus. The Confederation leadership declared that the organization would call upon the Caucasians to go to war with Russia in the case of a Russian invasion of Chechnya. Nevertheless, when the Russian troops occupied Chechnya in 1994, the Confederation could only manage to hold several anti-war rallies in Nalchik. The North Caucasus was not yet ready for the war: the local authorities and local elites had sufficient sovereignty and were busy with internal struggles for power and control over their economies.

After the start of the second Chechen military campaign in 1999, the rebel leaders devised another strategy toward the North Caucasus. Unlike Sheikh Mansur or Imam Shamil, the contemporary Chechen commanders did not send squadrons of Chechen militants to other regions, but instead welcomed volunteers who wanted to help the Chechens fight against Russian troops. People from Karachevo-Cherkessia, Kabardino-Balkaria, Ingushetia and Dagestan went to the Chechen mountains, first in small numbers and then in larger groups. They were trained, gained combat experience and then returned to their homelands. Jamaats—underground rebel groups—were formed in all Caucasian regions.

Now, there is no longer any need for Basaev to deploy Chechen groups to attack outside of Chechnya. He can go individually to any of the neighboring republics and recruit as many local men as needed to conduct a large-scale operation. This ensures that Basaev does not have to divert his Chechen forces, which immobilize the best-trained Russian troops and who are stuck in a quagmire of endless guerilla war. The new tactic allows the insurgency to open new fronts without weakening their struggle in Chechnya itself. This is the worst scenario the Russian authorities could imagine.

The great respect for Basaev among many Caucasians is undeniable. Timir Gashaev, a young Chechen, told The Jamestown Foundation that as far back as two years ago, when he was in Kabardino-Balkaria, the locals who knew that he was a Chechen told him how they liked the famous warlord. "They called Basaev a real man and a real warrior," Timir said.

While Chechen separatists want to spread the war throughout the Caucasus, it still begs the question of why locals in neighboring republics support such action. Observers cite different reasons, including unemployment, the influence of radical Islam, human rights violations by law-enforcement agencies, and the elimination of ethnic autonomies by Putin's new law stipulating that the heads of the regional executive branches are to be appointed rather than elected.

Beyond all of this, however, the emergence of a Caucasian insurgency may have deeper roots. Putin's hardline, suppressive policy in the region has awakened the historical memory of the locals. The Caucasian nations have recalled their old traditions of struggle against the Russian empire. The Chechen strategy is thus emboldened with the aid of the "wise" policy of the Kremlin.

Andrei Smirnov is an independent journalist covering the North Caucasus, he is based in Russia.

October 26, 2005

No Distinction Between Terrorists, Those Who Support Them, Bush Says

No Distinction Between Terrorists, Those Who Support Them, Bush Says
By Sgt. Sara Wood, USA
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Oct. 25, 2005 – The U.S. is determined to deny radical groups the support and sanctuary of outlaw regimes like Syria and Iran, President Bush said here today.

President George W. Bush speaks to the Joint Armed Forces Officers' Wives Luncheon at Bolling Air Force Base, in Washington, D.C., Oct. 25. The president thanked the members for their courage and sacrifice, saying, "We don't know the course our own struggle will take or the sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do know the strength and character that our troops and military families bring to the fight." White House photo by Paul Morse
Speaking to the Joint Armed Forces Officers' Wives Luncheon at Bolling Air Force Base, Bush said that these governments have a long history of collaboration with terrorists and deserve no patience from the victims of terror.

"Any government that chooses to be an ally of terror has chosen to be an enemy of civilization," Bush said. "The civilized world must hold those regimes to account."

The U.N. Security Council will hear a new report this week from an independent commission that points to Syrian involvement in the terrorist bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri and 22 others in February, Bush said.

"Syria is destabilizing Lebanon, permitting terrorists to use its territory to reach Iraq, and giving safe harbor to Palestinian terrorist groups," he said. "Now the United Nations must act, and Syria and its leaders must be held accountable for their continuing support for terrorism, including any involvement in the murder of Prime Minister Hariri."

The U.S. is also working to deny the terrorists control of any nation for use as a home base or launching pad, Bush said. Troops are working to defeat the Taliban and remnants of al Qaeda in Afghanistan and to isolate terrorists in Pakistan, he said. The terrorists' ultimate goal is to destabilize the Middle East and attack America and other free nations with increasing violence, but the U.S. has a clear strategy to prevent that from happening, he said.

"Our goal is to defeat the terrorists and their allies at the heart of their power," he said. "And so, we will defeat the enemy in Iraq."

American and Iraqi troops have conducted several major assaults in recent weeks to rid western Iraq of enemy fighters and to shut down terrorist entry routes from Syria, Bush said. The Iraqi troops have been using their local expertise to ensure the success of these operations and are often staying behind to maintain security after U.S. forces move on, he said.

The Iraqi military has been gaining new capabilities and the country has made steady progress toward democracy, Bush said. "Progress isn't easy, but it is steady," he said. "No fair-minded person should ignore, deny or dismiss the achievements of the Iraqi people."

Bush dismissed recent speculation that arguments among the different religious factions point to an unstable democracy in Iraq, saying that debate is the essence of democracy. A democratic government is, in fact, the best solution for Iraq, because it will respect the rights and beliefs of all religious groups and give all citizens a stake in their country's future, he said.

"As Americans, we believe that people everywhere prefer freedom to slavery and that liberty, once chosen, improves the lives of all," he said. "And so we're confident, as our coalition and the Iraqi people each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed."

Data Bite : Tech talk

Mobile Network Information Systems Upgrade Combat Vehicles

Interstate Electronics Corp. (IEC), a wholly owned subsidiary of L-3 Communications, has announced an initial shipment of ruggedized mobile network information systems for military ground vehicles in support of refurbishment contracts for current combat vehicles. The systems consist of high-performance combat-proven displays and open-architecture computer systems. Under one of the contracts, IEC integrated the functions of five onboard computers into a single system. IEC initiated the development of the multiple-purpose computer/display systems in 2003 and completed it in 2005; shipment will begin in 2006. The new mobile systems use an open rather than proprietary architecture, making them readily expandable and upgradeable in the future. This is a cost-saving feature because it allows new technologies or functionalities, such as ad hoc secure network meshing from IEC, to be easily added in the future without redesigning the entire system. The new system features IEC's combat-hardened displays, either remote or panel-PC type, and high-performance, ruggedized open-architecture single board computers. They can be configured with enhanced IR vision, targeting, battlefield management, vehicle diagnostics, SAASM GPS, 360(0) video and remote weapons station, all in a single system. The computer can also be equipped with multiple enhanced video channels.

Airborne Sensors Monitor Weapons Storage Sites

The Army has awarded Raytheon a $17 million contract to provide 15 Rapid Aerostat Initial Deployment (RAID) systems, along with systems engineering and life cycle support, to support Operation Eagle Eye, an Army surveillance and protection mission to monitor weapons storage sites. RAID consists of infrared sensor systems elevated on a stationary platform capable of detecting hostile troop and/or equipment movement at great distances. For Operation Eagle Eye, the RAID system will be enhanced to include the addition of a motion detection radar and command and control. This enables U.S. forces to respond rapidly to any threatening situation. RAID was first developed by Raytheon to meet the Army's developing critical needs in Operation Enduring Freedom and Operation Iraqi Freedom. This is the third such contract awarded to Raytheon for the RAID system.

Air Force Gets Help on Net-Centric Enterprise Services

Data Systems Analysts (DSA) has expanded its contract with the Air Force Communication Agency (AFCA).The value of this contract is approximately $400,000. DSA’s NCES team will assist the Air Force to move ahead rapidly to achieve its Net-Centric Enterprise Services (NCES) goals. Company officials said they would use their patent-pending net-centricity process during the delivery of this contract. DSA’s process consists of five steps: definition, comparison, decision, adaptation and net-centricity.

Air Force Orders Combat Search and Rescue Radios

General Dynamics C4 Systems has received an $8.9 million delivery order from Air Force Special Operations Command for 1,402 AN/PRC-112G combat search and rescue (CSAR) radios, bringing the total number of HOOK2 GPS CSAR radios sold to more than 16,000 units worldwide. The AN/PRC-112G, the latest in the General Dynamics family of CSAR radios, provides terminal guidance, encrypted two-way messaging, satellite communications and GPS-location capabilities to ensure quick, secure location and rescue of downed aircrews and other forces. The General Dynamics CSAR system provides direct line-of-sight and over-the-horizon communications between downed personnel and their rescuers, broad communications functionality with manned or unmanned aircraft and communication with commercial and search and rescue satellite systems. The latest generation of the company’s CSAR radio is interoperable with search and rescue equipment common to other coalition partners and with other General Dynamics survival radios.

Biometric ID System to Control Foreign Access to Military Bases

Computer Sciences Corp. (CSC) has won a task order to support the Department of Defense Biometrics Fusion Center (BFC). The value of the task order, which has a one-year base period and a one-year option, is about $22 million if the option is exercised. Under the terms of the award, CSC will develop, implement and support the Biometric Identification System for Access, a system that will evaluate fingerprints and other biometric data from non-U.S. citizens before granting them access to U.S. military facilities. The BFC is the test and evaluation facility for DoD biometrics. The BFC leads and facilitates the integration of databases, systems and processes to support a biometrically enabled, enterprisewide DoD identity management capability.

Contract Supports Army’s Trojan Satellite Communications Systems

CACI International has been awarded a delivery order contract by the Intelligence and Information Directorate of the Army Communication-Electronics Research Development and Engineering Center (CERDEC) to continue supporting the Army's Trojan satellite communications systems. The seven-month effort has a potential value of $31 million. Trojan is a family of systems that enables the Army to manage and disseminate critical intelligence information. It includes rapidly deployable mobile communication systems that can be mounted on Humvees or aboard aircraft like the C-130, and that can be tailored to different types of operations. The systems provide a global reach-back network that links tactical commanders in the field with decision-makers at the national and joint strategic intelligence levels. The program also includes the Trojan Special Purpose Intelligence Remote Integrated Terminal (SPIRIT), an intelligence dissemination satellite terminal that provides secure access for intelligence processing and dissemination systems. CACI provides both development and quick reaction capability support for Trojan.

Sensor Solution Improves Vehicle Maintenance

The Army TACOM Life Cycle Management Command has completed testing a sensor solution based on IBM middleware and services to help it improve operational efficiency. The solution uses embedded sensors in military vehicles that send signals from the field to IBM middleware and other applications in central locations to remotely diagnose repairs, and to determine fuel and ammunition replenishment needs. Currently, troops are required to make routine in-person inspections of military ground vehicles, sometimes in the field of combat. The successful pilot demonstrates that automating the process has the potential to improve troop productivity and safety. The new wireless solution is designed to provide the command's logistics managers real time, on-demand access to the Maintainer's Remote Logistics Network (MRLN), a pilot project developed to communicate on-board vehicle diagnostic data to commanders, senior maintenance personnel and logisticians within the combat repair team and brigade support battalion. IBM Global Services provided the systems integration and designed the architecture for MRLN. The pilot was demonstrated on the Stryker Brigade's tactical wheeled vehicles.

Air Force Analyzes ISR Systems

SRA International has been awarded a competitive task order to provide IT services to the Air Force deputy chief of staff for air and space operations. SRA will support the planning, management and maintenance of aircraft operation and air, space and ground systems. The task order, awarded under the General Services Administration Federal Supply Schedule, has an estimated value of $10.5 million over five years if all options are exercised. The SRA team will provide a full range of technical services for researching and analyzing the Air Force Distributed Common Ground System (DCGS) weapon system and other intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) systems. Services will include program management, systems analysis and engineering support for ISR airborne and ground systems, and communications engineering for the DCGS. The SRA team includes Riverside Research Institute.

Enterprise Accounting Software to Transform

The Air Force Electronic Systems Center has awarded Oracle a $22.7 million delivery order, including all options, for commercial software supporting the Defense Enterprise Accounting and Management System (DEAMS) program, which was established to transform accounting and financial management processes for the Department of Defense. DEAMS will re-engineer general funds and working capital funds processes, resulting in an integrated accounting and finance system. This program also will support creation of an enterprisewide financial data view to improve information accuracy for DoD decision makers at all levels of the organization. USTRANSCOM, the Air Force and Defense Financial Accounting Service are the initial partners in this program, and other defense agencies are expected to join. The software is Oracle’s Joint Financial Management Improvement Program qualified e-business financial and accounting software solution. The government will procure 60 developer licenses, 26,650 production licenses and four one-year-priced optional maintenance periods, as well as familiarization training. With the selection of a commercial software package, the DEAMS program will now solicit industry for qualified systems integrators of the Oracle software.

F-15E Strike Eagle ,with advanced targeting pod

Pod gives Strike Eagles an edge

by Master Sgt. Peter Borys
379th Air Expeditionary Wing

10/25/2005 - FORWARD DEPLOYED LOCATION (AFPN) -- In today’s war on terrorism, troops have many tools at their disposal. One of best tools -- and friend -- is the F-15E Strike Eagle, with its advanced targeting pod.

The pod gives pilots real-time information for targeting.

“The pod’s capability is simply staggering and it’s changing the battlefield on a daily basis,” said Lt. Col. James McGovern, 492nd Expeditionary Fighter Squadron commander.

However, this modern technology is just of what makes the Strike Eagle such a key weapon system. It takes a dedicated team of professionals -- pilots, weapons systems officer and the Airmen that turn the wrenches, load the munitions and schedule the missions -- to make this jet a force to be reckoned with.

The squadron -- deployed here from Royal Air Force Base, Lakenheath -- supports both Operations Iraqi Freedom and Enduring Freedom. During a mission there is constant contact with ground forces. So if they need help, the Eagles are ready to support them.

One of the squadron’s more robust missions is to monitor high threat areas.

Capt. Thomas Yeager, an Eagle pilot, said the squadron flies 24-hour operations and provides a keen eye for the ground troops.

“With the exceptional clarity of the targeting pod we have, the ability to talk to the coalition troops and pinpoint exact location,” he said.

Several times a week, squadron aircrews disrupt enemy plans.

“With the talent of the aircrew and the targeting pod, countless lives have been saved,” the captain said.

The squadron is also involved in other missions to quell insurgents.

“Our main objective is to make sure every young, fine Soldier or Marine fighting on the ground will be able to go home to his family for the holidays -- and have all of his limbs attached,” Captain Yeager said.

According to Lt. Col. McGovern, the one team, one fight attitude produces successful missions.

“When folks deploy to this theater -- no matter what job they do or -- whether they fly long airlift sorties, work on aircraft, engage the enemy directly with bombs or support the mission from services to civil engineers -- they all have one thing in common: getting the mission done,” he said.

The colonel said, “The modern world is too small a place, and there are some seriously bad people in it who are only one international doorstep away from our own homes and families. The folks in country -- on the ground -- need airpower to stop them.

“And it’s airpower they’re getting,” he said.

Strike-free IT in Buddha’s reach



Calcutta, Oct. 23: Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee has all but sealed victory in his battle with the CPM’s labour arm, Citu, over making information technology free from strikes.

Two senior leaders — Jyoti Basu and Anil Biswas — appeared to support Bhattacharjee’s stand that since infotech is a 24x7 industry, it could not afford strike-induced shutdowns, which happened on September 29 during the nationwide bandh called by Citu.

“Information technology is a relatively new entity which works in a different manner, we will have to discuss if employees could resort to strikes in the IT sector,” said former chief minister and politburo member Basu.

On October 25, when the CPM politburo meets, the question will be on the agenda. Bhattacharjee had said after the disruption caused by last month’s strike — when Citu seemed to have deliberately targeted the IT sector — that he would himself raise the issue of insulating the service industry against such labour action.
Citu leaders have asked why IT needs such protection and have been running a parallel campaign to form unions in the industry. “Our politburo will discuss at length whether employees could go on strike in a continuous process industry like IT. The review is also important in the context of the felt need of our government,” Basu said. It had been discussed once before, “but this time we will have to adopt a substantial position on the matter”, he added.

Yesterday, party boss Prakash Karat had also said the politburo had decided to confront the controversy. He supported Citu’s call to form unions in the IT industry, but reminded it that this had to happen from within and could not be imposed from outside.

Karat was noncommittal on whether or not strikes ought to be banned in IT, but was vocal in support of Bhattacharjee’s initiatives to draw investments to Bengal. IT is a key element of Bhattacharjee’s plan and he fears strikes will scare away potential investors.
Citu general secretary Chittabrata Majumdar, also a politburo member, and state secretary Kali Ghosh separately said: “We have placed our views (on forming unions) before the politburo and are going to do it once again next week. Let them give us a direction.”

It could well be that the politburo, while recognizing the right to form unions, will tell them to keep IT out of reach of strikes.

State CPM secretary Anil Biswas echoed Basu, indicating the Bengal party was fully behind Bhattacharjee. “ The industry needs protection. “IT services can be likened to those offered by an airline. However, the industry must also ensure that all employees/workers engaged by the companies are compensated well for their labour.”

Terrorists target BSF bus in Srinagar outskirts

Soldier killed, 30 wounded in highway explosion


Excelsior Special Correspondent

SRINAGAR, Oct 26: In a major IED explosion on Srinagar-Baramulla highway, militants today left one soldier dead and 30 others wounded when they targeted a bus of the Border Security Force (BSF) in the afternoon.

Informed sources told the Excelsior that militants blasted a white colour Maruti car at Omarabad, near Lawaypora, on Srinagar-Baramulla highway at 1445 hours. With spectacular precision, the militants in ambush targeted a BSF bus which was severely ripped apart. DIG BSF K Srinivasan maintained that one soldier got killed and 20 others injured who were all evacuated, rushed to Srinagar and admitted to 92 Base Hospital at the headquarters of Army’s 15 Corps. Defence sources said, late tonight, that all the injured soldiers were stable and they were responding to the treatment.

Officials said that in addition to 20 BSF soldiers, 10 civilian pedestrians and shopkeepers sustained injuries in the explosion. They too were rushed to Srinagar and admitted to two civil hospitals for treatment. They too were reportedly stable. Sources said that four residential houses and three shops suffered extensive damage. About a dozen structures suffered minor damage. The explosion took place a little short of Lawaypora where, in a similar IED blast, militants had left 48 soldiers wounded in a bus in December 2003.

Omarabad locality is in the backyard of Army’s counter-insurgent Kilo Force. Hizbul Mujahideen’s top-ranking functionary and former "divisional commander", Ghulam Rasool Dar alias Riyaz Rasool, had been killed alongwith a body-guard in the same locality on the highway by security forces earlier last year.

Eyewitnesses said that parts of the two vehicles flung up in air in a radius of 50 yards. Most of the pedestrians and shopkeepers sustained splinter and shrapnel injuries. A Hizbul Mujahideen spokesman, Junaid-ul-Islam, told two local news agencies over telephone that the militants of his organisation had caused the blast and targeted the BSF bus.

Earlier today, troops of Rashtriya Rifles of 32 Bn conducted a cordon-and-search operation at Chanderhama in Pattan area. During the operation, an encounter took place between a group of militants and security forces in which two soldiers sustained injuries. Operation was underway till late this afternoon, though residents insisted that all the militants had made good their escape.

In the capital city, Police recovered the dead body of a timber smuggler, namely Javed Ahmed Thokar of Kareva Manloo, Shopian, from the Jhelum at Panta Chowk on Srinagar-Jammu highway.

Reports from Handwara said that suspected militants appeared at Magam and they fired upon one Mohammad Sidiq Lone, A critically injured, Lone was rushed to hospital for medical treatment. He is reportedly a close associate of the PDF leader and Forest Minister Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Sofi.

Umberto Eco leaves JNU priests squirming

The JNU high priests must have cursed the moment they decided to invite
Umberto Eco to speak. Says this report

Celebrated Italian author Umberto Eco left many academics and students at Jawaharlal Nehru University squirming with embarrassed ignorance on Monday.

The reason for ignorance is explained in the same report. Delivering a lecture on " Rasa and Taste", Eco spoke with great scholarly confidence and even greater scholarly tentativeness about Bharata's Natyashastra, Anandavardhana and Avinavagupta, which he had read in translation but few in his audience seemed to be acquainted with.

Few? I dare say that almost none in the "red" audience would've read *about*these Masters leave alone their works. For it is taboo in the Citadel of Indian Marxism. They're banned there for their feudal, backward-looking ideas. Eco heaped further agony on the crowd:

As he constantly struggled, *with a spirit of genuine inquiry, to understand the rasa theories in relation to Western philosophers - St Augustine, David Hume, Kant and Aristotle* - many in Delhi's academia looked as if they were completely at sea.

"You would know, according to Abinavagupta, the ninth rasa is peace and tranquility?" He looked up to find mostly blank faces staring at him in the audience.

If Prof Eco had only begun on Marx and Engels. No wonder no major newspaper has given his visit extensive coverage. Contrast this with for example, Vikram Seth's recent visit<>. Google searches of various keyword combinations pointed me to just two papers: the Statesman<>and Pioneer (from where I've quoted).

Says Eco:

Research is not about shedding all your background books. It's about throwing away the embarrassing ones. Of course, the JNU luminaries would quickly infer this to mean that they were right in their zealous pursuit of obscuring, misinterpreting and destroying everything Indian for Anandavardhana and Abhinavagupta are embarrassing. But, says Eco:

*Are we trying to shed the baggage of all our background books without even bothering to read them?* Or is it that as a nation we are always already so plural, that there is no one intellectual tradition?

The background books that Professor Eco mentions are not needed-therefore no question of bothering to read them-because they come in the way of imposing the JNU ideology aka Marxism.

Anyway, let's leave the Marxist relics to their writhing and read about Umberto Eco . Quite an accomplished man, I should say. For some related reading:

Anandavardhana (PDF)

India might clinch biggest ever arms deal with Chile


Comparatively a newcomer in the international arms sales arena, India may be on the brink of concluding its biggest ever weapons platform deal to sell 12 Advance Light Helicopters(ALH) to Chile.

The deal, estimated to be worth Rs 200 crores (USD 44 million), according to Defence Ministry sources here may be clinched during the official visit to Santiago by Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee at the head of a high level delegation. He leaves here tonight on a five day visit to the South American country.

"The visit assumes special significance as Chile has shown heightened interest in the Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopter" an official statement said here asserting that HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd) had expressed confidence of being in a position to meet the needs of the Chilean Armed Forces and Security Services.

"Chile has also shown interest in a number of other armaments and defence related stores" an official spokesman said.

Though India has sold a number of Dhruv ALH to Israel and neighbouring countries like Nepal, the deal with Chile would be the first major bulk sales of the helicopters, which have been making waves during recent international aviation shows including the prestigious ones in Paris and Faranborough in England.

For the Chilean order, Dhruv was pitted against some of the frontline helicopters being manufactured by major weastern nations including the Eurocopter and American choppers. The Chilean deal would be culmination of almost three years of hard negotiations between the two countries.

In 2003, the then Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal S Krishnaswamy led a high level HAL and IAF delegation during which the Indian Advanced Light Helicopter went through tough user trials over the Andes.

During the trials, the IAF lone helicopter Aerobatic team, Sarang put up performance for the Chilean armed forces.

During his visit Mukherjee, officials said, would call on the Chilean President Ricardo Lagos Escobar and hold delegation-level talks with his counterpart Jaime Ravinet.

India might clinch biggest ever arms deal with Chile


Comparatively a newcomer in the international arms sales arena, India may be on the brink of concluding its biggest ever weapons platform deal to sell 12 Advance Light Helicopters(ALH) to Chile.

The deal, estimated to be worth Rs 200 crores (USD 44 million), according to Defence Ministry sources here may be clinched during the official visit to Santiago by Defence Minister Pranab Mukherjee at the head of a high level delegation. He leaves here tonight on a five day visit to the South American country.

"The visit assumes special significance as Chile has shown heightened interest in the Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopter" an official statement said here asserting that HAL (Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd) had expressed confidence of being in a position to meet the needs of the Chilean Armed Forces and Security Services.

"Chile has also shown interest in a number of other armaments and defence related stores" an official spokesman said.

Though India has sold a number of Dhruv ALH to Israel and neighbouring countries like Nepal, the deal with Chile would be the first major bulk sales of the helicopters, which have been making waves during recent international aviation shows including the prestigious ones in Paris and Faranborough in England.

For the Chilean order, Dhruv was pitted against some of the frontline helicopters being manufactured by major weastern nations including the Eurocopter and American choppers. The Chilean deal would be culmination of almost three years of hard negotiations between the two countries.

In 2003, the then Chief of Air Staff Air Chief Marshal S Krishnaswamy led a high level HAL and IAF delegation during which the Indian Advanced Light Helicopter went through tough user trials over the Andes.

During the trials, the IAF lone helicopter Aerobatic team, Sarang put up performance for the Chilean armed forces.

During his visit Mukherjee, officials said, would call on the Chilean President Ricardo Lagos Escobar and hold delegation-level talks with his counterpart Jaime Ravinet.

October 25, 2005

Russia trips over Indian defense ties , "arm twist" in arms race ?

By Tara Shankar Sahay

NEW DELHI - Defense cooperation between India and Russia, which in recent years has included joint-development of cruise missiles, hit an air pocket when visiting Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov insisted on an intellectual property rights (IPR) agreement between the former Cold War allies.

A "friendly warning" on the issue was delivered by Ivanov during his four-day visit last week to witness Indo-Russian war games carried out in the deserts of western Rajasthan state involving elite troops and state-of-the-art equipment.

Russian anxiety in clinching the IPR agreement was apparent when Ivanov went to the extent of hinting that future defense cooperation with India, which has dramatically increased military ties with the United States over the past two years, would hinge

on a formal IPR agreement.

Ivanov also made a pointed reference to the fact that the issue figured prominently during President Vladimir Putin's visit to India last year and that since then there has been little movement on the issue.

"I think that it [IPR agreement] is under the active consideration of the Ministry of Defense," said Commodore Uday Bhaskar, deputy director of the state-funded think tank, Institute of Defense Studies and Analyses (IDSA ). "They [the Russians] are giving us military hardware that we need and their anxiety in this context is understandable," he told Inter Press Service (IPS).

Ivanov said the two countries had outstripped the old, client-provider relationship on the weapons front after they jointly developed the sophisticated BrahMos cruise missile, which is said to be superior to the US Tomahawak cruise missile in many respects.

Multi-million dollar contracts signed with Russia in recent years include those for licensed production of the advanced Sukhoi-30MKI fighter, the T-90S main battle tank, stealth frigates for the Indian navy and the purchase of an aircraft carrier.

Indian President A P J Abdul Kalam personally favors aggressive joint-marketing of the BrahMos missile, which is a product of the two countries' joint research and development establishments, and already there are firm orders from 10 countries.

Kalam himself is a top rocket scientist and a former chief of India's secretive defense Research and Development Organization, which shared equal credit with the Russians for the development of the missile that is to be marketed by the joint-venture BrahMos Aerospace.

BrahMos is a supersonic anti-ship cruise missile with a 300-kilometer range. It can be launched from air, submarine or land and can turn 360 degrees, generating concern on the Indian sub-continent, particularly from long-time military rival Pakistan.

The post Cold War era saw Russia doing away with a rupee-rouble arrangement and insisting that India pay for up to 70% of defense purchases in hard cash. Russia still provides India the bulk of its military hardware and Ivanov himself pegged the figure at 40%.

Explaining Russia's insistence on India signing the IPR agreement with it, Pravin Sawhney, defense analyst and editor of the national security magazine Force, said: "Moscow is impatient because it is the first time that it has gone on the partnership mode with India in the area of joint defense production, but is apprehensive that its cutting-edge technology could be leaked out to a third party."

"Moscow wants to monitor its end-use restriction and also ensure that there is no internal proliferation," Sawhney pointed out in an IPS interview.

His reference to "internal proliferation" alluded, for instance, to the possibility of India using certain cutting-edge technologies, such as those pertaining to cryogenic engines for space launches being used to develop inter-continental ballistic missiles.

A senior Defense Ministry official, unwilling to be named, contended that with the Indian government now shopping for arms from countries such as Israel and the US, Moscow was bound to be apprehensive.

It is no secret that Russia resents Israel's emergence as a major arms supplier to India. During September 2003, Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon visited India and discussed provision of the coveted Phalcon airborne early warning system and the anti-ballistic Arrow missile, which New Delhi feels must be an indispensable part of its armory to negate possible nuclear attack from Pakistan.

The Russians have noted that Israel now annually supplies US$2 billion worth of military hardware to India.

Also, on July 18, President George W Bush signed an accord with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh pledging to help India gain access to international civilian nuclear technology, although this country has refused to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, another vestige of the Cold War.

The agreement, which awaits Congressional approval, was seen by many as the final weaning away of India into the Western camp after decades of isolation - featuring embargoes on the export to this country of "dual-use" technologies, especially those relating to space and nuclear applications.

Sawhney, however, has no doubt that the IPR agreement between New Delhi and Moscow will fructify in a few months because "we want the sophisticated Russian technology now, whereas earlier we preferred arms in large numbers over top-grade quality in view of our country's large size."

He says the Russian waiver of an earlier demand that the IPR agreement be implemented with retrospective effect (from the Soviet era onwards) has benefited India greatly, considering the vast amounts of defense technology and equipment transferred to this country during the Cold War years.

Sharing Sawhney's views was defense expert and former Jawaharlal Nehru University professor, S Sreedhar Rao. "India is aware about its international obligations, especially when it comes to time-tested friendly countries. We are minutely scrutinizing the IPR agreement and in a vast country like ours, implementing it is going to take some time," Rao told IPS.

Top Indian defense analysts like C Raja Mohan have highlighted the inevitability of Russia fending off growing competition in the Indian defense market and adapting the old Indo-Russian defense cooperation to the new realities in the region.

The reminder from Ivanov, of the sensitive IPR issue on joint Indo-Russian defense production, is seen as a minor prickle in relations between the two countries, given that there is too much at stake for both.

Ultimately, analysts believe, Russia will continue to be India's main arms supplier for reasons of integration built up over decades, while Russia cannot find as lucrative and as big a market as India for its defense production.

(Inter Press Service)

October 24, 2005

India wants Pakistan under IAEA scanner

October 24, 2005 15:42 IST

India Monday asked the Western world to take a view on the 'A Q Khan nuclear network' in Pakistan also while deciding on a position on the Iranian nuclear issue.

Ahead of the crucial second vote at the International Atomic Energy Agency on Iran in November, India said the nuclear watchdog should investigate the role of nuclear suppliers as well as recipients in nuclear proliferation.

Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran said in an address to experts at a seminar in New Delhi that it was important that remaining issues which involve Pakistan-based A Q Khan network, are satisfactorily clarified as well. He welcomed Iran's cooperation with the IAEA in accounting for previously undeclared activities.

Speaking at a seminar on 'Nuclear Non-Proliferation and International Security', organised by the Indian Defence Studies and Analysis, the foreign secretary called for a new global consensus on nuclear non-proliferation, taking into account the new challenges that have emerged since the NPT was signed.

''Our security interests have been seriously undermined by the clandestine nuclear weapons programme in our neighbourhood, aided and abetted, or at the least, selectively ignored by some NPT signatories. In seeking clarity on such clandestine activities, the international community must focus not merely on recipient states but on supplier states as well,'' he said.

Saran said it was neither in the interests of Iran or of the international community to have a confrontation on the issue. Efforts should be made to resume discussions and find a way out within the IAEA.

He reiterated that by voting against Iran at the first vote India had achieved the twin objective of avoiding a reference to the United Nations Security Council and also enable more time for discussions.

Madarsas mushroom in Mewat


Madarsas mushroom in Mewat

Abraham Thomas/ Nuh/ Bharatpur

In the last decade or two, the Mewat villages in Rajasthan and Haryana have witnessed an unprecedented growth of madarsas. While such institutions impart Islamic education for "free", it has allowed fundamentalist teachers of western Uttar Pradesh and Bihar to gain access to the backward Meo community.
‘Nuh madarsas provide free food and education for boys. Contrary to the Government’s policy, girls have to pay Rs 250 as monthly tuition fees’

The Meo leaders of the area concede the presence of some outside scholars in big madarsas but the law enforcement agencies are beginning to feel the weight of the "iron curtain" around these institutions.

"The Miel Madarsa in Gopalgarh village is one of the biggest madarsas in the Mewat region of Rajasthan," said Station House Officer (SHO) Lakhan Singh Khatana of Pahari police station in Bharatpur. The classes here are held in a basement and over 3,000 students (both boys and girls) from the Meo villages, including neighbouring States of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Delhi, and other parts of the country are trained in the study of the Islamic theology and history, he added.

"There have often been reports that girls from other States are brought to these madarsas. There are charges that after indoctrinating them with Muslim religious law they are married off to the Meos" said Bhagwan Dass, a local journalist, who has been around for about 20 years. "There were reports to suggest that the Meil Madarsa is even admitting foreign students, leading to an increased cash flow," Dass added.

To this, former Member of Parliament from Faridabad in Haryana Khursheed Ahmed said, "most madarsas in Mewat have maulvis (teachers) drawn from this region. Only big institutions can afford to get maulvis from other parts of the country."

When asked whether the maulvis from conservative Wahabi schools of Deoband and Bareilly are teaching in these madarsas, he replied, "they may be there but Islam in these areas has remained liberal and would remain so."

"In the past 10 years, madarsas have mushroomed in this region," says SHO Khatana. In Pahari police station area alone, which consists of about 70 villages, there are now about 10-12 madarsas, with two to four new ones being added every year.

"While Kaithwada and Meil house the maximum number of students," he added, "madarsas have now come up even in small border villages of Samkha, Ladamkha, Jodhpur, Gangora, Chapra, Fatehpur and Ghatmika. Moreover new dargahs too have come up in the area, and the existing ones have been lavishly renovated, he informed.

Said advocate Mohammad Mujib who practices in Nuh district court of Haryana, "considering the poor standards of living among the Meos, the benefit of teaching the children in a madarsa is manifold. The madarsa provides free food and for boys, even education is free." However, quite contrary to the Government's policy of free education for the girl child, in these madarsas, girls have to pay monthly tuition fee of about Rs 250."

"Nobody knows what goes on in the madarsas" commented Dr GC Kapoor, a medical practitioner at Bharatpur. "In the past decade, there have been reports of maulvis (teachers) coming from Deoband and Bareilly in Uttar Pradesh" said Kapoor, adding, "access to these madarsas for outsiders is just impossible."

In the year 2000-01, an effort was made by the district administration to ascertain the number of madarsas, which have come up in the police stations of Pahari, Kama and Sikri, which mainly house Meo villages in Rajasthan's Bharatpur district. The census also required the madarsas to supply details of students, and their place of origin. The then District Collector had issued strict directions to ensure that the said information is received on an individual basis. But the Meos supplied limited information regarding the total strength in each of their madarsas.

"If there is nothing wrong happening, what have the Meos to hide" opines Kapoor. Such conditions, he feels, provide a safe haven for anti-social elements. The symptoms have already begun to show with the region fast becoming a centre for cattle smuggling, illegal firearm production and an escape route for stolen vehicles.

Said Khatana, "there has been an instance in the past when fake currency notes were seized from the Meo women while trading goods in the market." The Meo links across the border had once come under the scanner, when in year 1999, an intelligence agency of the Central Government surveyed and found extensive calls being made from the STD booths in Meo villages to Pakistan.

Earthquake and Aftermath : Analysis of Pakistans policy towards India

This earthquake could have a number of unpredictable consequences. So I'd suggest that we prepare ourselves for various possibilities.

So far, three things are clear from the aftermath:

1) Pakistan's hatred for Hindus and India remains as obsessive and pathological as ever.

2) The Pakistani military has proved to be thoroughly incompetent at actual governance, and its prestige has taken a serious, possibly fatal, blow.

3) The Jihadi groups have spared no time in exploiting the incident to promote themselves and to recruit more terrorists.

Taking these three factors together, we can expect the following:

1) An increasingly shaky Paki regime increases its anti-India activities, in the hope that this will divert attention from its own failings, and will draw off militants who would otherwise attempt a coup d'etat. Such militants will also be sent into Afghanistan.

2) Mush and Co. will call on the Americans to pressure India to make more concessions - claiming that their increasingly weak domestic position makes a foreign policy victory essential. We all know what the American stance on Indo-Pak relations is.

3) With Kashmir now saturated with Paki militants, the next wave of terrorism will probably involve Indian muslims in the rest of Bharat. The Mau riots should be seen in this context.

Will the current Congress (I) be capable of dealing with these challenges? Sorry, a very stupid question - it is certain to cave in unless a strong opposition forces it into a position where it has to hold strong.

So we have to get prepared. In particular:

1) The BJP has to reject and renounce the idiotic peace policy of Vajpayee and demand action against Pak. It must not hesitate to label the UPA and its leaders as 'traitors', and 'Paki-loving criminals' wherever possible. The UPA must be forced to behave in a patriotic manner, (so far, it has not done so in most cases.)

2) The NDA has to raise the alarm about the Pakistani influence on Indian muslims; our intelligence agencies have to monitor this area carefully and calmly. There is every reason to believe that a new wave of riots are being planned.

3) We must prepare to resist U.S. pressure on concessions to Pak. And we must face up to the possibility of the Musharraf regime imploding - and consider how our interests can be best promoted in the current volatile climate. Above all, that involves preparing the Indian Army for military operations - and yes, war.

This earthquake could have some far-reaching effects on Bharatvarsha. If we prepare in advance, we can make them work to our advantage. My own feeling is that this is the beginning of the end of the Musharraf regime.

If we make the right moves, it will also be the beginning of the end of Pakistan.