January 07, 2006

How Brinda Karat went wrong

Brinda Karat seems to be acting as an agent of multinationals and christian organizations who want to undermine traditional Indian medicines and practices.

Navin Upadhyay/New Delhi

For the left, any saffron-clad swami is like a red rag to a bull. But when Ms Brinda Karat, high-flying CPI(M) politburo member, took on Swami Ramdev, it was not seen as another standoff between a Marxists and a Godman.
CPM Politburo member Brinda Karat parades disgruntled employees of Ramdev's pharmacy to prove her point in Delhi on Saturday - Pioneer

After all, Baba Ramdev never mixed religion with preaching of Yoga and pranayam, and the takers of his Ayurveda medicines were not confined to any particular caste or creed.

Unlike many modern gurus who went on TV channels to preach about religion and God, Baba Ramdev used the reach of the medium to rekindle popular interest in Yoga, particularly pranayam. The number of his followers swelled, his appeal cut across boundaries of caste and faith and high and mighties from different walks of life sought his help to overcome stress and ailments.

Some of Baba Ramdev's prominent followers are Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Raman Singh, Uttaranchal Chief Minister Narayan Dutt Tiwari, Rajasthan CM Vasundhara Raje Scindia, former UP Chief Minister Kalyan Singh, former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Babulal Gaur, NCP leader Chhagan Bhujbal, Congress leader Ahmad Patel, superstar Amitabh Bachchan and SP leader Amar Singh, among others. The list goes on and on.

Ms Karat did not understand the nature of support Baba Ramdev enjoys among the Indian middle class either. For hundreds of thousands of people, who have got inspiration from his teaching, he is a much-awaited messiah, who has brought for them the blessing of peace and health.

For many others who are battling with some incurable afflictions, he is their last hope. An attack against Baba Ramdev was an attack against not only his followers, but against all those who subscribe to the belief that there is serious need to rediscover the treasure trove of India's lost tradition of healing and cure. The spontaneous protests that spilled over into the streets were only expected.

If the controversy drags on, the CPI(M) could end up paying a heavy political price in north India. Baba Ramdev may be an apolitical swami, but not his followers. Someone like RJD chief Lalu Prasad and Mulayam Singh Yadav, who shared the left's allergy against Godman, broke rank with the Communists and were quick to defend Baba Ramdev. After all, Baba Ramdev is a symbol of Yadav pride. Actually, not just the two Yadavs but also OBC stalwarts like Kalyan Singh swear by him.

The powerful OBC lobby is aware that Baba Ramdev has a huge constituency, and they want to stand by him to reap a good political harvest. Not surprisingly, even the Congress leaders are openly backing the Baba while Ms Karat stands isolated within the Left.

Baba Ramdev's charge that MNCs are behind Ms Karat's campaign, may or may not be true, but it has left the Communists red-faced. Here was someone effectively using their own ammunition against them. Ms Karat and Co may find it difficult to carry on their campaign against Baba Ramdev for too long lest they are ready to lose more ground in the caste-ridden emotive landscape of North Indian politics.

But Ms Karat seemed determined to carry on her battle against Ramdev. Talking to reporters on Saturday she said the charge of animal and human remains in the medicines is based on what employees at the pharmacy have said.

"The statement has come from employees at the pharmacy. Those who work at the basic level, those who have transported bones and ground them. I believe their statement," said Ms Karat.

Ms Karat also took pains to clarify that the Left has nothing against Ayurveda per se. "The Left is not against Ayurveda. In fact, it is with our support that Ayurvedic establishments in Kerala are thriving. We have never said anything against Ayurveda or homeopathy. All this talk is misleading," she said.

Even though Ms Karat is trying to look undaunted, there are clear indications that even among the CPI(M) the support for her on this issue is limited. Perhaps, the crisis will teach the Marxists a lesson or two about the essence of Indian ethos, that surpasses appeal of caste and religion, and which looks fondly at ancient India and its traditions.

PAKISTAN Blaming India to avert internal rebellion?

Pakistan's Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao has ‘held India responsible’ for the continuing unrest in Balochistan province
Media Release
Jan. 7, 2006

India can be blamed but the fact is Balochistan province of Pakistan wants independence from the country. According to media reports, Pakistan's Interior Minister Aftab Ahmed Khan Sherpao has "held India responsible" for the continuingunrest in Balochistan province and said the government haddecided to take "stern" action against those involved inanti-state activities in the province. Talking to reporters after meeting Baloch tribal leaders here, the Minister said "India is supporting the miscreants" in Balochistan. A renewed insurgency in Balochistan, where nationalists are targeting government installations and buildings to protest what they call continued denial of the due share in national resources to Balochis, has set off ripples all over the country, forcing the government to launch a limited military operation. These outlaws, Sherpao added, were involved "in terrorist activities" and created hindrance in the implementation of the mega-development package announced by President Pervez Musharraf. "The reaction of the neighbouring country over the action of Pakistan's law-enforcement agencies against the miscreants is clear evidence that they are being backed by India," he alleged.
He said arwere being "smuggled" into Balochistan from tribal regions and Afghanistan's Kandahar province and absconders and criminals from other provinces were "reaching Kohlu town to have a safe refuge". "These absconders are also being used by the miscreants'' groups in anti-state activities." "The government will not hold any dialogue with those who are bent upon destroying national assets, hampering developmental activities in Balochistan and committing terrorism," the Minister said, adding "the government has decided to take a stern action against them as it wants to resolve the probleof the majority of people and expedite development activities in the province." He said the government tried its best to resolve the Balochistan issue through dialogue but added "the situation could not improve if dialogue and agreements were violated by tribal leaders." In reply to a question, he said about "9 to 10 absconders'' camps "had been detected in Kohlu. Denying reports of army action in the province, he said no operation was being conducted there and only "Levies and Rangers" were used to counter anti-state activities. Sherpao ruled out the possibility of erecting a fence at the Pakistan-Afghanistan border, saying more "check-posts" were being established there to stop "gunrunning and movement of terrorists" across the border.

It is time to say VANDE MATARAM -Pakistan’s shadow ISI supported Lashkar-e-Taiba - It's not just Kashmir, they eye INDIA

Sonia Chopra
Jan. 7, 2006

India must strike them at the source. Their source is financiers in Middle East and Pakistan. India must make it clear to America and China that nothing can stop India’s resolve in taking on Pakistan if the terror attacks by shadow ISI and so called Lashkar-e-Taiba do not stop. Hafiz Mohammed Saeed of Lashkar-e-Taiba’s had declared in July that "the jehad in Kashmir would soon spread to other parts of India. Our mujahideen would create three Pakistans in India." It is time for every Indians to rise up and take these terrorists out. It is the people of India who have to teach these terrorists some lessons – not just the Indian security forces.

List of Hindus killed in BALOCHISTAN by Pakistani Army


P-sec HRD Minister rewrites history of Bharatam's independence and partition

P-sec HRD Minister rewrites history of Bharatam's independence and partition
Arun Shourie had noted in his 'Eminent Historians' how crores of rupees were spent and yet the true history of Bharatam Janam has yet to be written.

And, now we find there is no need to waste any more funds, because the minister in-charge of education claims he knows everything :) So, modify all modern history textbooks and add Arjun Singh's speech as the principal chapter.

But see Arun Shourie:
Eminent Historians: Their Technology, Their Line, Their Fraud http:


Towards Freedom Project http://arunshourie.
One quack notes that p-sec historians were talking about their freedom to make money, not about Swarajyam of Bharatam. Different folks, different strokes. History can wait.


RSS, Hindu Mahasabha responsible for Partition: Arjun Singh

PTI News, Jan. 7, 2006

Bhopal, Jan 7 (PTI) Holding the RSS and Hindu Mahasabha responsible for Partition, senior Congress leader and Union HRD Minister Arjun Singh today claimed that the BJP would collapse like a pack of cards due to "its inner contradictions and hollow principles."

"Though Mohammedd Ali Jinnah is considered the propounder of the two-nation theory, history is witness that Hindu Mahasabha and RSS were instrumental in projecting Hindus and Muslims as separate and claiming they cannot stay together," Singh said at a seminar on 'The real face of BJP' here.

"It is true that Jinnah took advantage of the two-nation theory when the country was about to get independence by seeking formation of Pakistan, but the first to conceptualise the division were Hindu Mahasabha and RSS," Singh said, accusing the Sangh of giving a wrong direction to history.

Hailing the role of Congress leaders, Singh said if they had given up their efforts to keep the country intact, India would have remained backward like Pakistan without experiencing development.

Ridiculing the BJP for "shedding tears for Partition" and blaming the Congress for it, the minister said that the Muslim population in India is much larger than that in Pakistan.

"They are here not due to helplessness or compulsion but because of an atmosphere of trust and confidence," Singh said adding that while accusing Congress of appeasement, BJP must realise "it is meant for our own people and countrymen."

Describing the BJP as a party suffering from inherent contraditions and hollow principles, Singh said "it is like a pack of cards and one cannot imagine how it will collapse. But someone has to blow the wind." PTI



January 06, 2006

Massacre of Hindus in Balochistan by Pakistani Army : Video

Dera Bugti Massacre Video Archive

“I have videos and some pictures as undeniable evidence of the killings.” “I can show it to the media; according to our reports, 32 Hindus and 27 Muslims were killed while 22 people were injured in the incident.” -- Nawab Akbar Bugti
Source : Link

On 17th March 2005, Pakistan's Paramilitary Forces, Started Shelling the town of Dera Bugti, more then 60 Civilians were killed in this indiscriminate Bombardment, among them 33 Hindus were killed

Pakistan's Electronic and print media denied this incident, which was caused by their own Army and security forces. A Local of Dera Bugti Made these Video's. We are providing few clips from the Video for downloads...

Details are only now available of the 10-hour-long battle between the Frontier Corps troops and Balochi nationalists belonging to the Bugti tribe on March 17,2005. Twenty-eight members of the Bugti tribe and 33 Hindus living under the protection of the tribe were killed during the exchange of fire. Of the Hindus killed, 19 were children.

Caution Graphics Video

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Nalgonda dist in Andhra , a hub of ISI and Terrorist activity?

K. Srinivas Reddy

Police suspect that the youth received training in Pakistan, Bangladesh Youth came into contact with hardened terrorists while serving time in prison for various crimes. This helped organisations build their terror network.


The town's tryst with fundamentalism not a new phenomenon
With the police focussing on tackling naxalites unhindered
Functioning of State police under spotlight

HYDERABAD: The recent arrest of a suspected Laskhar-e-Taiba (LeT) operative, Razi-Ur-Rehman alias Abdul Rehman, from Nalgonda in connection with the terror strike at the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, has jolted law enforcement agencies in Andhra Pradesh.

The secret operation by the Karnataka police has once again proved that all may not be well at Nalgonda, a small district headquarters town.

Though the claim of the Karnataka police that Rehman is the LeT's south India in-charge is yet to be substantiated, the arrest brings into focus the discomfiting idea that Nalgonda — about 100 km from Hyderabad — continues to be a centre for subversive activities by fundamentalist organisations, which are backed by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence.

Terrorist camps

The police suspect that at least two dozen youngsters hailing from the town have gone underground. Intelligence agencies suspect that they were trained in terrorist camps in Bangladesh and Pakistan. Most of them could have returned to India as `sleepers' of the terror outfits, ready to act when their `operators' give them the green signal. It is possible some of them were involved, directly or indirectly, in the December 28, 2005 attack on the IISc.

Nalgonda's tryst with fundamentalism is not a new phenomenon. It is an offshoot of the ISI's K2 plan to "liberate" Khalistan and Kashmir in the late 1980s. As part of the plan, the ISI recruited Salauddin, who is now believed to be in Pakistan.

He floated a students' organisation, which was to groom youngsters into "people ready to fight and foment trouble," sources said.

Nalgonda's proximity to Hyderabad has helped to make the town a haven for fundamentalists. The communal violence in 1990 in Hyderabad that claimed 258 lives and the shilanyas programme taken up in the country turned Nalgonda into a beehive of activity.

Grooming youth

Salauddin groomed a group of second-rung leaders, Asgar Ali, Shamshuddin, Fasiuddin, Abdul Aziz and Mohammed Rafeeq. These youths were arrested for various criminal activities and they became full-fledged operatives of militant groups while serving sentences in the district jail in Mushirabad.

Other terrorists such as Mujeeb, Jalees Ansari and Bilal Ahmed Kullu were already in the jail when these youngsters served their term.

Mujeeb, a Hizb activist, was recently re-arrested in Hyderabad after he completed a term for killing Additional Superintendent of Police Krishna Prasad.

Daily interaction with the terrorists hardened the arrested youngsters and most of them went underground after they were released on bail.

It was the jail connections that helped Asgar Ali (now imprisoned in Gujarat in the Haren Pandya killing case) go to Kashmir to fetch RDX and weapons for creating trouble in Hyderabad.

Focus on naxalism

As the police began focussing on tackling the naxalite problem, fundamentalism grew unhindered. The police did not make concerted efforts to keep track of religious fundamentalism-based militant activity, though they occasionally busted ISI modules.

Following the recent attack on the police task force office in Hyderabad, the State police have begun concentrating on terrorist activity and picked up two persons.

Mujeeb, who was released for good behaviour in 2004, was re-arrested. The police allege that he was planning subversive activities and trying to mobilise funds and weapons.

The arrests of Mujeeb in Hyderabad and Rehman in Nalgonda have brought the functioning of the State police into the spotlight.

Senior police officers concede that religious fundamentalism should receive as much attention as Left-wing extremism.

January 05, 2006

Human Rights Violations in Balochistan by Pakistani State

Dear Sir/Madam,

Balochistan is suffering from a severe crisis by the hands of Pakistani Government , namely the Pakistan army. We therefore appeal the international community to help to stop massacre which is resulting in human loss of lives, instability and worst human rights crisis in the region. A letter with details is attached for your kind consideration and intervention. We look forward for your immediate attention in this crisis.
Thank you,

With Regards

Senator Sanaullah Baloch
Member Senate of Pakistan
Balochistan National Party

Subject: Human Rights Violations in Balochistan by Pakistani State

Dear Sir/Madam,

On behalf of people of Balochistan and Four Party Baloch Alliance, we would like to draw your attention to the deteriorating human rights situation in (Pakistani) Balochistan where arrests, kidnappings, disappearances and illegal detention of Baloch students, political workers and leaders by Pakistani police and military intelligence agencies, including Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) IB, are surpassing all limits.

Ongoing Military Operation

After committing a series of human rights violations in the deprived and backward province of Balochistan, Pakistan military has launched a military operation against innocent civilians and progressive elements of Balochistan.

On 18th December 2005, Pakistan Army started a full-fledged operation in entire Balochistan and particularly in districts Kohlu and Dera Bugt that are rich in natural-resources. The people there are not opposed to development but against the exploitation of these natural resources without benefit to local communities. They also oppose the establishment of military bases (cantonments) on their territory. By using force against the villagers, the Pakistan army is trying to compel them to vacate their homes to open this area for the exploitation of its rich oil and gas resources.

Pakistan Air Force fighterjets, Army gunship helicopters and heavy artillery is being used against the unarmed innocents and nomads of these areas. More then to one hundred deaths have been reported which include mostly women and children. For pictures and details, please visit www.balochvoice.com.
Political Victimisation

Followings are some examples of victimization:

Abdul Nabi Bungulzai (former Chairman of Baloch Students Organization, a highly educated and progressive political leader of Balochistan) was arrested in February 2001 along with 11 others. After being inhumanly tortured, he is being kept under detention without any trial and is now imprisoned in Quetta Central jail.

Ali Asghar Bangulzai, was kidnapped on 18th October, 2001 by ISI, his family was threatened against approaching any Court. Still his disappearance, his family and children have protested in front of the Quetta Press Club for the last eight months. His whereabouts are still unknown. For more detail; http://www.bso-na.org

Hafiz Saeed ur Rehman Bangulzai’s whereabouts are unknown after his kidnapping and disappearance in 2002.

Gwahram Baloch s/o Saleh Mohammad was abducted on 8th August, 2004 by Military Intelligence and ISI personnel. He is still missing.

On 25 March 2005, students and political activists Dr. Imdad Baloch
(chairman of Baloch Students Organization or BSO), Dr. Allah Nazar (former
Chairman of BSO), Dr. Yousuf (Press Secretary of BSO), Ghulam Rasool
(member Central Committee of BSO), Dr. Naseem (ex- member Central Committee of BSO), AIi Nawaz and Akhtar Nadeem were detained and taken to ISI secret torture cells and severely tortured continuously for five months.

Dr Allah Nazar Baloch (Former Chairmen of BSO, a MBBS Doctor) kidnapped by ISI and Karachi police on 25th March, disappeared for six months. Recovered from Multan, he is detained in Quetta Central jail.

In August 2005 Majid Samad and fourteen members of BSO were arrested in Turbat, they were mercilessly tortured by army intelligence agencies and are still under illegal detention.

On 22nd September 2005, Abid Saleh, younger brother of abducted Gwahram Baloch was kidnapped by army and still missing.

On 15th November 2005, a leading poet and writer in Balochi Language and Medical practitioner Dr. Hanif Sharif was detained by Army units. His whereabouts are not known to his friends and family.

On 23 November 2005, Aslam Gorgnadi, Master Saeed and Khuda Bux Bizenjo were forcefully taken away by army units along with their counsel Advocate Sadiq Raisani from the High Court Building despite the court orders to release them after their two years detention without trial.

These are just a few cases that were highlighted by international press. There are many others that are yet to be disclosed. The refusal to release Baloch illegal detainees is a typical example of the arrogant mindset of an occupying army. These are acts of violation against Pakistan’s constitutional provisions and are crimes against humanity.

The new waves of illegal arrests, kidnappings, detentions and tortures of Baloch people by the Pakistan Government is coupled with other attempts to destabilize Balochistan’s social and political fabric, by:

--Fomenting inter-tribal and intra-tribal conflicts.

--Patronizing antisocial and criminal elements in Balochistan. This is being done throughout Balochistan by recruiting antisocial elements and convicted criminals in the international drug trafficking business run by Pakistan Army, ISI and ANF and Coast Guard. These antisocial elements and hired drug traffickers are armed and have unlimited support of government secret agencies, are acting as warlords. These criminal elements are also being elected in so-called general and local elections to political positions and are being portrayed as the representative of the Baloch nation. These acts on behalf of Pakistan army are creating social anarchy and upheavals in Baloch society.

-- Active patronage, funding, housing, weapons, special permits to the Taliban to reside in towns and particularly in Quetta, and to open new religious schools for recruitment of Taliban As a result, these extreme religious ideologies are being artificially imposed on a basically secular oriented Baloch society.

Attacks on Political Leaders

Balochistan National Party (BNP) will also like to draw your kind attention towards the humiliating acts against the Baloch political leadership by the Pakistani army and its agents.

On 17th March 2005, when the Pakistani army launched a military operation against the innocent Baloch of Dera Bugti, they directly targeted the residence of Nawab Akber Khan Bugti (President of Jamhoori Watan Party). More then 70 innocent children and women of Hindu Baloch religious minority, living near Dera Bugti’s residence were killed. Dera Bugti region is still surrounded by thousands of heavily armed army units.

In October 2005, agents of Pakistan Army intelligence services fired rockets and other lethal ammunition on the residence of Sardar Attaullah Mengal (Chief Patron of Balochistan National Party and President of Pakistan Oppressed Nations Movement) in Wadh District of Khuzdar in south central Balochistan. The residence and hometown of Sardar Mengal and Akhtar Mengal (President of Balochistan National Party) is still surrounded by paramilitary forces in large numbers.

Developing Balochistan?

Balochistan Provincial Assembly on 23 September 2003 unanimously passed a resolution against the construction of Army cantonments in three resource-rich districts of Balochistan (Dera Bugti, Kohlu and Gwadar), and demanded that money allocated for establishment of these military bases be used instead for the establishment of schools, colleges, and the socio-economic development of province.

The construction of army cantonments and the deployment of thousands of para-military forces through out Balochistan is presenting a picture of siege and has created a sense of insecurity among Baloch people. Islamabad is treating Balochistan as a Garrison province. There are four mega Military Cantonments, 52 Para-Military cantonments, five Navel bases including Jinnah navel base in Gwadar, and six major Air Force bases, There are also three nuclear testing sites and six missile testing ranges in Balochistan.

The acts of terror and humiliation and a continuum of state terrorism will not only increase the ever present tension and hatred between Baloch people and Pakistani police state, but it could lead to a point where a bloody confrontation between Baloch and the Pakistani state is inevitable, resulting in the loss of life and properties of defenseless Baloch people.

The Pakistan army is continuously and contemptuously ignoring the appeals of Human Rights Commission of Pakistan, Amnesty International and other human right groups for the release of illegal detainees. The Baloch people demand their political, economic and social rights, guaranteed by the Pakistan constitution, and international human rights laws, instruments and declarations.

Immediate intervention by western powers in general and by your respective Government in particular will save Baloch lives and prevent the kind of genocide of the Baloch people by the Pakistani army that the world witnessed in East Pakistan during 1971.

The Balochistan National Party (BNP) appeals to your government to please intervene to help to stop these human right violations by the Pakistani army and its agents before it is too late.

Please raise this issue in all international forums including the United Nations, the European Union and the Commonwealth. The people of Balochistan will be highly obliged. The Balochistan National Party (BNP) highly appreciates your kind immediate attention and positive intervention in this matter.

Thanking you in anticipation,

From Members Senate of Pakistan

Senator Sanaullah Baloch

Member Senate of Pakistan

On behalf of Balochistan National Party
Senator Mohammed Aslam Buledi

Member Senate of Pakistan
On behalf of National Party
Senator Amanullah Kanrani

Member Senate of Pakistan
On behalf of Jamoori Watan Party

From Members of Balochistan provincial Assembly
Mr. Kachkol Ali Baloch

Leader of Opposition

Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Nawbzada Balach khan Marri

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Mohammed Akbar Mengal

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Akhatar Hussain lango

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Haji Jummah Khan Bugti

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Saleem koso

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Mumtaz shah

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Jan Mohammed Buledi

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mr. Rhamat Baloch

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly
Mrs. Dr Shama Ishaque Baloch

Member, Balochistan Provincial Assembly

Dated: 02nd January 2006

Quetta, Balochistan (Pakistan)
Army operation in Marri and Bugti area of Balochistan 86 killed 100’s wounded


On 17th December 2005 Pakistani Army launched an army operation against innocent Marri Baloch people throughout Kohlu District, Parts of Dera Bugti, Noshki, Makran Districts and other parts of Balochistan.

More then thirty thousand army personnel twelve Gunship helicopters, four fighter jets, several spy planes of different sizes, heavy artillery, poisonous gases and missiles are being used only in Talli, Bambore, Kahan, Jabbar, Nasau, Quat, Mundai and other parts of Marri Area.

Due to ten days of intensive bombing and shelling by army Jets, Gunship Helicopters and heavy artillery at least 86 confirm deaths and more then 120 serious wounded have been reported. Mostly victims are women and young children.

It is time for the Baloch people to unite and stand up against such atrocities by Punjabi Pakistan. Let me remind the international community that it is not the first time that such severe measures have been taken against the Baloch Nation.

Until and unless the Baloch don’t unite and get the help of the international community to put a leash on Pakistani (Punjabi Army) this slaughter of Baloch people will continue.

Pictures of Marri women and children killed in bombing and shelling by Pakistani Army. This shameless Pakistani Army still denies that there is no Army Operation going on in Balochistan.

Take a look at the pictures below they speak for themselves, mutilated bodies of innocent young children who were deprived of all the facilities of modern world and now deprived of their own life, all this destitution to the Baloch is by the tyrant and shameless Punjabi Pakistani Army. By Balochvoice.com 28.12.05



To: Civilized Nation

Dear Civilized Nation

I am writing to you as I believe that you can play a very significant role in reshaping of the geography of South Asia in order to combat international terrorism. The entire terrorism network has been managed by terrorist forces stationed in Pakistan under the safe umbrella of Government of Pakistan. These terrorist forces have taken the shelter of Islamic identity in order to implement their dangerous designs of dominating South Asia and make it an Islamic territory altogether thereby driving out Christians, Hindus and Sikhs living in India. The ultimate scheme was first made during the lifetime of late General Zia-ul-Haq who can be termed as the main actor towards this direction. The said General Zia-ul-Haq took advantage of the then Afghan-Russian war and made it possible to develop a terrorist network in the region by sponsoring extremist Islamic groups and providing them all necessary military training and ammunition. The atomic program of Pakistan was also part of this endeavor. However, General Zia-ul-Haq died in a military plane crash in 1988 and there was the beginning of a new democratic era in Pakistan. But this democracy was itself fake in the sense that same old faces appeared to rule the country for their own monetary benefits. Consequently, Pakistan became yet another victim of terrorist forces which acted from the strong base of Pakistan Army which has been the main principal of all terrorism in the South Asia. It was Pakistan Army which does not want any peace in the region so as to keep the region under stress in general and to keep India being their hostile neighbor under a constant military threat.

The coming back of Pakistan Army in power through General Pervez Musharraf from the back doors on October 12, 1999 was yet another attempt to continue with the same old plan of Islamic domination in South Asia as masterminded by late General Zia-ul-Haq. This conspiracy had enjoyed assistance of China as China needed a strong Pakistan to keep an eye on India so that India should not become any problem for China in her traditional desire to win the regional supremacy which may pave way for her becoming another super war.

Pakistan is the central headquarters of all terrorist activities under the authoritative command of Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) an organ of Pakistan Army who have been sheltering Islamic terrorists organizations in the country through military as well as financial support. Their objective is simple that is to rule the region under an Islamic system of their own brand and elimination of non-Muslim communities and culture. They believe that unless they use power they cannot fulfil their ambitions and as such they have found terrorism as the most convenient method for accomplishment of their political agenda. In order to promote this terrorism through religious recognition and some historic significance with a view to make it attractive for the youngsters, they misinterpreted the concept of Jihad (holy war) and since the Muslim masses living in that region are totally illiterate and ignorant about their own religion, they were misguided by the help of hypocrite Islamic scholars who motivated and induced the foolish young Muslims to fight against non-Muslims. These fools did not even think that if it was the question of Muslim and Non-Muslim, then they should also fight China being totally out of the religious orbit. But, in that case, their brains do not work because it is but China itself which is assisting the Pakistan Army in such activities. Hence, the entire phenomenon is not to propagate the Muslim beliefs but to conquer the whole world through the assistance of China. Pakistan right now is the puppet of China and therefore it has become inevitable to address this issue on top priority.

Chinese experts in connivance with the Pakistan Army have worked very intelligently to use the religion of Islam as a tool very useful to be used for extracting cheap fighting force in the name of holy war. On the other hand, the whole Pakistan Army getting salaries in millions of dollars per annum is not coming forward for this s-called Jihad simply for the reason that they know that it has nothing to do with any Jihad but to implement certain long-term political plans. It is, therefore, very essential to focus from a different angle without wasting any further time on Osama Bin Laden who is nobody but a well-trained puppet of Pakistan Army being used extensively for the purpose of masterminding the terrorist schemes and implementing them through the technical co-operation of Pakistan.

Inter Services Intelligence Agency (ISI) is the real government in Pakistan. In the present situation it is the ISI, which is devising the self-made covert policies for the Government and also ensuring its implementation. It is part of the ISI’s well-established policy to organize violent pro-Taliban protest demonstrations against the United States in the provinces of Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP (North West Frontier Province) and keep the province of Punjab away from these demonstrations and strikes. After the terrorist attacks of 11th September 2001, the United States and the international community declared in clear words that we would now see that “who stands with us or against us”. The United States and international community assured the Pakistani rulers that if they extend co-operation to United States and international community in the war against terrorism, Pakistan would get the legitimate fruits of such co-operation. After these assurances of the International Community, the ISI conspired to activate the religious and so-called Jihadi groups on their payroll to use the provinces of Sindh, Balochistan and NWFP (North-West Frontier Province) provinces as their battleground against United States and International Community. This conspiracy to use the minority provinces was aimed to give the United States of America and the International Community a completely wrong impression that people living in these provinces are against USA while the real situation is totally different. Pakistan Army through its terrorism network called ISI has made an attempt to tarnish the image of small provinces of present Pakistan on one hand and on the other to deceive USA and the International Community. It is a bitter truth that the province of Punjab is the hub of all the fanatical and so-called Jihadi groups and the Headquarters of all the fanatical and extremists groups are situated in different cities of the province of Punjab like Lahore, Multan, Jhang, Faisalabad and Nankana. The ISI’s “game” to deceive the United States and international community would not last long and this act of deception would reach to its logical conclusion. When that happens the world would know who actually benefited by deceiving others and who lost, whereas who was deceived by whom and who was hoodwinked.

It is not understandable as to why the Americans are not addressing the real issue. The real issue is Pakistan itself. In Pakistan, there is no religious disintegration right now. Rather all the religious groups are having mental equation when it is about the religion. There is no conflict among them if it is about Islam. Although they advocate a different Islam which was never the one introduced by Muhammad Bin Abdullah in Mecca some 1500 years ago, yet they are together under the supervision of ISI. ISI has sponsored this new brand of Islam with ulterior motives and to implement its hidden agenda. This new brand of Islam does not enjoy any recognition from the Muslims who really believe in Muhammad. It is indeed unfortunate that Islam has always been victimized throughout by the people who terms themselves as Muslims. Muhammad's Islam was hijacked even in his own lifetime when there were people who disliked Muhammad's relatives and wives. Such miscreants even accused Muhammad's wife Ayesha of adultery. People like Amir Mawiya hated Ali, the nephew of Muhammad so much so that Ali wrote to him several letters condemning Amir Mawiya to be a hypocrite. The revenge came exactly 50 years later when son of Amir Mawiya called Yazeed killed Hussain brutally who was the grand son of Muhammad and son of Ali at the place called Karbala (Iraq). The shia sect of Islam condemn this brutal murder of Hussain and do not recognize Ami Mawiya as Muslim for this arbitrary act of his son Yazeed. Today, Iran is the shia state while a large number of Shias live in Iraq also. It was one of the evil designs of late General Zia-ul-Haq that he made Pakistan a difficult place for shias and the formation of certain militant religious organizations was yet part of this plan. Today we have yet another Yazeed bin Amir Mawiya called Osama Bin Laden and several followers who have changed the very fabric of Islam in the new century. These are religious demons representing the Satan and not Islam.

It is, therefore, necessary to disintegrate Pakistan if we want to collapse the terrorists' network altogether. Unless we destroy the root cause of the whole terrorism tree, we will not be able to eliminate terrorism from the region which has been transformed into a centralized processing unit working under an integrated system not conveniently accessible unless Pakistan is divided in at least four parts. It is essential to divide the northern part of Pakistan into two countries that is Punjabistan and Pakhtoonistan. The Punjabistan will be on the eastern side and the present province of Punjab can be converted into Punjabistan while the North West Frontier Province (NWFP) having its borders with Afghanistan should be made another country called Pakhtoonistan. The new Pakhtoonistan will be a country loyal to the international comity of nations and shall not harbor any terrorists within its geography. Punjabistan shall not have any access to terrorist camps now being run by Pakistan Army in Afghanistan and NWFP as Pakhtoonistan will be a hurdle between Afghanistan and Punjabistan. The Pakistan Army mainly belongs to Punjab and hence the creation of Punjabistan and Pakhtoonistan will break the integrated network between Afghanistan and ISI (Pakistan Army).

On the southern part of Pakistan, two new countries Sindhudesh and Jinnahpur can be made. The Sindhudesh will comprise of Sindhis living in the province of Sindh while Jinnahpur will be a country to house the urdu speaking immigrants from India who had migrated from India after partition of 1947. The population of urdu speaking community living in Karachi (the main commercial city of Pakistan) is around 15 Million. This new country called Jinnahpur can be a secular state of its own kind. The idea is that some 10 million Christians from India may also voluntarily migrate to Jinnahpur to form a pure secular state in South Asia so as to keep a political balance in the region. In Karachi alone (which will be transformed into a new country called Jinnahpur), we can have as many churches as we want along with awarding rights of preaching Christianity and Islam in parallel terms. There will be no extra-ordinary religious resistance in Karachi for the sole reason that the new countries Pakhtoonistan and Punjabistan will have no immediate links with Jinnahpur and as such the terrorist network would not be effective at all. The preaching groups like Tablighi Jamaat (Muslim Preaching Organization based in Raiwind near Lahore-Pakistan) will no more be as effective as now after losing their linkage with their country-wide network. This linkage can only be broken through disintegration of Pakistan. The religious schools called Madressas will no longer be connected with each other. The so-called religious scholars will be confined to their own areas of birth and permanent residence and shall not freely move to other cities in the region presently called Pakistan. Jinnahpur will be a purely secular state with a significant Christian population. We can have permanent airbases of USA and other military set-ups in Jinnahpur to keep a sound military control in the region to safeguard the entire humanity from the threats of terrorism.

The geography of South Asia has to be revised to combat the terrorism and to prevent further loss of lives in the name of Jihad. The region has become very dangerous to spark 3rd world war and if not checked at this hour of need, country like Pakistan, which has attained nuclear technology due to assistance of China, can become dangerous for the whole humanity. Today we have some loyal people in Pakistan Army who would prefer to favor anti-terrorism drive initiated by the Americans. But what about the religious groups within Pakistan Army which are equally responsible in promotion of terrorism in the name of Islamic domination and are still busy to destabilize the international efforts towards the direction of elimination of terrorism altogether. How can such religious groups destroy their own puppet government called Taliban whom they helped right from its inception and are still harboring their leaders and terrorists like Osama Bin Laden. They may come into power and remove General Pervez Musharaf from his present status. What the Americans will do when a more religious-minded foolish army man captures power in Pakistan? Will they think of bringing back of democracy in Pakistan? It will be too late at that time. It is therefore better to act now.

Pakistan should be divided into four parts as immediately as possible under the supervision of United Nations in the best interest of humanity. This would not be any sort of denying any sovereign country of its right to exist. Pakistan is comprised of five nations and there is no problem in giving these nations their new countries to enable them to have a more realistic identity of their own. This is necessary to eliminate the roots of terrorism completely. This geo-political surgery has become inevitable to save the humanity from the cruel hands of terrorists who will come again to strike and they have no other place to hide and conspire but Pakistan.

I request the entire humanity to join me in this campaign of disintegrating Pakistan in the best interest of the whole humanity. If we break Pakistan today, we are disintegrating the entire terrorist network headquartered in Pakistan. This terrorist network works through a very technical integration in terms of Islamic militant groups, Islamic preaching organizations and Islamic schools called Madressas. A divided Pakistan will destroy the spinal cord of the terrorism and there will be no training camps, no more Osamas and no more threat to humanity.

Say YES to this petition and support international fight against terrorism and against those who harbor terrorists and their supporters. Disintegration of Pakistan will pave way to divide the forces busy to make new designs to conquer the world through terrorism. A divided Pakistan will bring peace to the region and shall facilitate destruction of terrorist training camps and elimination of terrorism altogether.
Also read http://www.PetitionOnline.com/MQM47/petition.html

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The Undersigned

Brinda Karat as usual spits and runs , Karat Couple is very dangerous to India

The Pioneer Edit Desk

The Left, especially the CPI(M), has mastered the sinister art of hurling unfounded allegations, maligning individuals and organisations, and peddling slander as 'truth'. Witness the manner in which CPI(M) Politburo member and Rajya Sabha MP Brinda Karat has levelled serious and potentially damaging charges against Baba Ramdev and the Ayurvedic medicines prepared and marketed by his Divya Yog Pharmacy at Khankal near Haridwar in Uttaranchal.

In a sensational 'disclosure', Ms Karat has claimed that Baba Ramdev's Ayurvedic medicines contain animal and human parts and that these contents are not listed on the label as required under the law. To buttress her outrageous claim, she has also produced a letter from the Union Health Ministry. What does not seem to have struck her - or perhaps she chose to ignore the contents of the letter, smug in the belief that a Comrade's word is taken as the absolute truth - is that the Health Ministry has not endorsed her slanderous charge.

On the contrary, it has pointed out, and this merits reiteration, that the samples were collected by her and not by independent inspectors or State drug controllers as per established procedure; that they were labelled as products of Divya Pharmacy, Rishikesh and not Divya Yog Pharmacy, Khankal; and, that Uttaranchal authorities have been asked to take further action.

Most important, the letter does not mention that the samples had any trace of animal or human parts. Yet, Ms Karat, in true Communist style, has chosen to spit and run, confident that neither she nor the CPI(M) will ever be made accountable for such gross and defamatory misrepresentation. Baba Ramdev has been prompt in countering the allegations, but if he were to opt for legal remedy, we can be sure that the Left as a whole will unleash a venomous campaign, tarring him and his millions of followers for daring to challenge the Marxist version of 'truth'.

Of course, there is the other possibility that Ms Karat will just refuse to turn up in court, feigning illness or indisposition. That example was set by Comrade Harkishen Singh Surjeet, who, after wilfully maligning actor Anupam Kher and hounding him out of the Censor Board, did not have the courage to respond to court summons in a subsequent defamation case.

However, the essential cowardice - a trait shared by all bullies - of our Leftists need not detain us. What is of concern to society at large is the Left's, more notably the CPI(M)'s, nefarious campaign against Baba Ramdev's attempt to revive indigenous and traditional systems of medicine which, in the long run, could dent the profit margins of multinational drug companies. Ironically, Ms Karat, while promoting her twisted perception of this nation and its traditions, has served a blow for the very MNCs whom her party misses no chance to berate.

Or is the Left's anti-MNC rhetoric merely a ruse to mislead the masses? There may be more than a grain of truth in Baba Ramdev's counter-charge; the history of Communism is replete with amazing tales of strange and apparently inexplicable alliances. It is, after all, an ideology preached with a forked tongue.

This paper believes that irrespective of the individuals involved, if the law has been violated, the guilty should be punished. But judgement cannot be pronounced by Ms Karat and her comrades who have little regard for facts and even lesser respect for truth. India is a democracy governed by the law of the land, not a Communist dictatorship ruled by commissars.


VHP supports Ramdev, wants suit against Brinda

Press Trust of India

Lucknow, January 5, 2006

VHP on Thursday came out in support of yoga guru Ramdev slamming the CPI(M) for acting at the behest of multinational companies.

They alleged that CPI(M) was involved in the international conspiracy to defame and humiliate the yogiraj working to popularise the ayurveda method of treating dreaded diseases.

People should oppose the designs to defame the yogiraj who has popularised and revived the faith of crores of people in the traditional Indian method of treatment of ayurveda, VHP media incharge, Sharad Sharma said in a statement.

The world has come to understand that ayurveda can match allopathy through the works of swami Ramdev and the communists are trying to create hurdles in his growing popularity, Sharma said

Extending support to swami Ramdev, VHP leader Avadh Pranth burnt an effigy of CPM leader Brinda Karat here during a protest dharna.

Demanding an independent commission to inquire into the conspiracy to defame the yogiraj, they also called for an independent test of the medicines prepared by his pharmacy.

They also demanded filing of a case of treason against leader Brinda Karat and punishing her for launching a canard against the yogi.

A yagya was organised here at the Patel park in support of the yoga guru.

January 03, 2006

Border with Bangladesh totally unfenced , Shivraj Patil shocked


Syed Zarir Hussain/ Guwahati

For a moment Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil was shocked with disbelief but soon regained composure when he saw the border with Bangladesh totally unfenced with just concrete pillars separating the two countries.

The Home Minister, along with the Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi and a team of All Assam Students' Union (AASU) leaders, on Monday visited two border sectors along western Assam's Dhubri district.

Maslabari, about 315 kilometres west of Guwahati, was the first destination for Mr Patil and his team of 18 senior home ministry officials, including the director general of the Border Security Force Ranjit Shekhar Mooshahary.

"The Home Minister was literally shocked when he saw that there was no fencing at all in the Maslabari area. People can easily walk through a vast paddy field and enter from Bangladesh to our side of the border," AASU advisor Sammujjal Bhattacharyya said.

Mr Bhattacharyya was part of the four-member AASU team that accompanied the Home Minister during the border visit. "We have for the past 26-years been shouting and demanding that the border be fenced as the porous frontiers were allowing large scale infiltration of illegal Bangladeshis into Assam," the AASU leader said.

"The Central Government always think we were overreacting. But when we took the Home Minister to Maslabari and showed him it was free for all in the open border he was indeed surprised," he said.

The AASU leader said Maslabari was just one instance of the border being open - there are vast stretches in the 272 kilometre land border that Assam shares with Bangladesh that is yet to be fenced.

The Maslabari sector is about 20 kilometres and the entire stretch is open with no border fencing. "This border would have to be sealed, By December 2006, the entire border would be fenced," Mr Patil was quoted by Mr Bhattacharyya as telling them during the visit.

The next visit was the Sonahat area where Mr Patil was reportedly embarrassed as well. "There is a border fencing in the Sonahat area but then it was in a deplorable condition. The fencing was just in name," the AASU leader said.

The Home Minister, this time too, assured that new double layered fencing would be erected in place of the existing ones.

Mr Patil's visit to the border follows a commitment by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh last May that a joint team of the Central and the Assam Governments and AASU leaders would inspect the Bangladesh border areas to oversee border fencing works.

The AASU is a students' group spearheading a campaign to oust illegal Bangladeshi nationals from the State and sealing the border. The six-year-old anti-foreigners' uprising had culminated in the signing of the Assam Accord in 1985 although several major clauses of the pact was not implemented till date.

"This is a major victory for the AASU to have taken the Home Minister to the border and made him see the free-for-all border. Now we shall monitor the progress of the fencing work," Mr Bhattacharyya said.

Agony of Hindus in Pakistan

JG Arora

Tuesday January 3, 2006

It is tragic that though Hinduism proclaims universal brotherhood and oneness of humanity, and addresses entire humanity as divine children (Shrunvantu vishve amrutsya putraha Rig Veda: 10-13-1), Hindus are being treated with disdain and discrimination, and are being denied even the basic human rights in Pakistan and Bangladesh which used to be Hindu lands.

Let us see the plight of Hindus in these nations vis-a-vis the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted and proclaimed by the United Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948, "as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations".

As per Article 1 of this Declaration, "All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights." Article 2 specifies, "Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion ...." Article 3 stipulates: "Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person." Article 7 stresses equality before law, and protection against discrimination. And Article 18 makes the tall statement, "Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion."

Few centuries ago, Hindu religion and culture used to reverberate from Afghanistan to Indonesia. Indian sub-continent including the present day India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, Afghanistan and even Zabol in Iran was Hindu land, and had no Muslim presence till Muslims attacked the sub-continent in 8th century. Hindus lost Afghanistan to Muslims in 987. After many centuries, Muslims got Pakistan in 1947.

Pakistan comprised of two segments: East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In 1971, East Pakistan became Bangladesh, a separate country. Both Pakistan and Bangladesh have been declared as Islamic republics.

Hindus have always been threatened and discriminated against in Pakistan and Bangladesh on religious grounds. Though in 1947, Hindus accounted for 24 per cent of the then Pakistan's population, now number under two per cent. Situation is equally grave in Bangladesh where Hindus numbered 30 per cent in 1947, but now number nine per cent. However, in India, the present percentage of Muslim population is much higher than that in 1947.

Pakistan and Bangladesh have yet to explain what they have done to their Hindu population.

Hindus suffer constant threats to their lives, security and property in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Many Hindu temples have been desecrated and destroyed in Pakistan and Bangladesh. There are regular reports of illegal encroachments on Hindu temples and lands, looting of Hindu property, discrimination, persecution, molestation and abduction of Hindu girls both in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Forcible conversions and marriages

The alarming trend of Muslims kidnapping young Hindu girls and forcing them to convert to Islam is tormenting Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

As reported in Pakistan's premier English daily The Dawn dated November 3, 2005, 19 Hindu girls mostly from Punjab Colony, Karachi were missing from their homes. Relatives of these girls had reason to believe that they had been kidnapped and were being forced to change their religion, the press release added.

Recently, Irfan Husain's article entitled "Conversion Losses" has been published in The Dawn (dated December 3, 2005) www.dawn.com/weekly/mazdak/20051203.htm which relates tragedy of Hindu parents in Karachi whose three young daughters Reena, Usha and Rima of marriageable age vanished in October, 2005.

In a few days, the shocked parents received a courier package containing three identical affidavits from their daughters stating that they had converted to Islam and, therefore, could not live with their Hindu parents. As reported in the said article, father of the girls told the columnist, "We just sit and stare at each other. For us, life is over."

The ongoing trend in Pakistan and Bangladesh indicates that the girls have been kidnapped, forcibly married, and coerced to convert, but as helpless Hindus in Pakistan, their parents have no hope for justice. And this can happen to any Hindu parent in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

Discrimination and dispossession

Discrimination against Hindus is a fact of life as also a fact of law in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

As per Constitution of Pakistan, only a Muslim can be the President or Prime Minister of Pakistan. As per Bangladeshi Constitution too, only a Muslim can be the head of the state.

After being driven out from Pakistan, Hindus are being driven out from Bangladesh. And their lands and properties are being taken over by the government (under the Vested Property Act) to be distributed among Muslims.

The Vested Property Act was passed in 1965 as "Enemy Property Act" when as East Pakistan, Bangladesh was part of Pakistan. This law legitimized confiscation of Hindu property. After emergence of Bangladesh in 1971, this Act was renamed as the Vested Property Act, and the state was made the owner of the Hindus' property.

The Vested Property Act in Bangladesh has legitimized the forcible forfeiture of millions of acres of ancestral Hindu land.

Hindu genocide and persecution

During 1970 and 1971, Hindus in East Pakistan (present Bangladesh) underwent massive massacres by the Pakistani army. Over two million Hindus are reported to have been killed in genocide of Hindus in East Pakistan during 1970 and 1971 leading to Indo-Pak war in 1971. Besides, countless Hindu women were raped and kidnapped during this period.

Though Amnesty International too has shown concern about the plight of Hindus in Bangladesh, Bangladesh government has done nothing to provide any relief to Hindus.

Hindus are facing genocide, terror, persecution, dishonour and atrocities in Bangladesh every day. And there is selective killing of Hindu judges, professionals, teachers, lawyers and civil servants in Bangladesh to snuff out any chance of Hindu resistance and leadership.

Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh are facing disaster as their life, liberty, honour and property are insecure because of state policies and public action.

Way out

Let not India abdicate its responsibility by doing nothing and saying nothing in the ongoing genocide, deprivation and disaster of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh.

In 1950, Prime Ministers of India and Pakistan signed an agreement called as Nehru Liaqat Pact under which both the governments undertook to protect life, liberty, religion and safety of minorities in each other's country.

It is Indian government's legal and moral duty to ensure that as per the Nehru-Liaqat Pact of 1950, and as per the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Pakistan and Bangladesh treat their minorities in a human manner. India must also ask Bangladesh to repeal Vested Properties Act, and hand over to Hindus their lands and properties.

The United Nations Commission on Human Rights (CHR) must also be approached to redeem the situation. Denial of human rights to Hindus violates UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948.

Conspiracy of silence

It is tragic that the unprecedented and unending tragedy of Hindus of Pakistan and Bangladesh remains untold by Indian media.

Why this Indian media's conspiracy of silence about genocide and oppression of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh? And why this suppression of information about persecution of Hindus? The world needs to know about pathetic Hindu plight in these lands.

Deprived of their basic rights in Pakistan and Bangladesh, Hindus have only the right to suffer and right to silence.

Killing of Hindus in Pakistan, in Bangladesh or even in India is not taken seriously by media, by government or by various political parties or by human rights industry in India.

Is it because for some sections in India, only the terrorists, anti-national elements and Pak-Bangla infiltrators are entitled to fundamental and human rights?


Dirty tricks department in Congress and UPA Government

A good indication of the state of the polity in Bharatam is the following report on Mulayam Singh Yadav's press conference. The report is so serious, so shocking in its implications for the future of Bharatiya polity, the shock paralyses us by the fact that the report does not make the headlines, does not even get reported on the frontpages of the p-sec media.

Vigilonline rightly asks Shekhar Gupta to grow up in the context of an editorial on the fake Sanjay Singh CD; the issue is much more than growing up. The issue relates to dirty tricks which were the forte of fascist, nazi regimes.

Mulayam Singh Yadav should certainly re-think the company he keeps getting support from CPI-M.

Two issues stand out in this episode reported by Mulayam.

1. Mulayam does NOT have faith in the CBI. This is a reasonable statement since CBI has increasingly become a hand-maiden of the major partner, Congress in UPA. This is a sorry state indeed that a premier investigating agency of the nation should be so perceived. Such a perception will only add to the levels of criminalisation of the polity which have reached intolerable levels.

2. Mulayam claims that Congress Party is behind the episode of the wire-tap. If he really believes so, he should re-think his support to UPA either covertly or overtly.

The most serious issue which should be of concern to all citizens of Bharatam is that there is no outrage at the ongoing subversion of the constitution almost in all fora, in all the four estates of the polity: executive, legislature, judiciary and media.

A dirty tricks department seems to be in place controlled and orchestrated from the highest reaches of governance. And no dog barks. That there is no bark makes the tragedy too deep for tears for the great democracy of the world, the most ancient democratic system in the world, the Bharatam.

One thing is clear: what we have in Hon'ble Manmohan Singh is a substitute PM, a nikamma PM. Someone else is in charge of the ongoing dirty tricks which have left the hindu samajam in a state of siege as Subramanian Swamy so rightly notes.

Why doesn't NDA together with Mulayam's SP take a walk to the Rashtrapati Bhavan. Such a walk will be good for their health and sanity in politics.


Mulayam brings phone-tapping war from Lucknow to Delhi
[ Wednesday, January 04, 2006 12:55:28 am TIMES NEWS NETWORK ]

NEW DELHI: Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav on Tuesday held that SP leader Amar Singh's conversations with film actresses were his private affair and nobody had the right to breach his privacy.

The SP chieftain, who intensified his attack on Congress leadership for the alleged tapping of Amar Singh's phone, said violation of privacy was contrary to the basic tenets of the Constitution.

Yadav's remarks came against the backdrop of swirling suspicion in non-Congress circles that those behind the alleged tapping of the SP general secretary's phone might have wanted to embarrass him.

Amar Singh himself had indicated that 20 per cent of what had been tapped was a genuine conversation he had with somebody; and the rest a filthy concoction.

Determined to keep up the pressure on Congress president Sonia Gandhi for the alleged tapping, Yadav further stirred the already simmering SP-Congress cauldron by dismissing the police theory that the phone tapping was a result of forged letters and accusing the Congress chief of personally ordering the clandestine surveillance.

He rubbished the police probe as "Operation Cover-up".

The accusation at the Congress chief invited an angry rebuttal from Union government, with I&B minister P R Dasmunsi blaming it on Yadav's "personal frustrations".

Meanwhile, Delhi Police made the second arrest in the forgery case, nabbing main accused Bhupendra's aide Kuldeep on Monday night.

Kuldeep an employee of Reliance Infocomm, provider for Amar Singh's "tapped" phone, was recruited by Bhupendra, owner of a detective agency, to run the surveillance. He was remanded to police custody for three days.

Having flown from Lucknow especially to highlight the "illegality" before the media, Yadav disagreed with the theory of forged letters and sought an impartial probe.

Saying that he had no faith in CBI, Yadav suggested that either the investigations be handed over to the UP STF or it be probed by a panel of chief ministers Buddhadeb Bhattarcharya, J Jayalalithaa and Nitish Kumar.

The UP CM said that he will seek the President's protection on the illegal surveillance on states besides meeting the opposition leaders with his grievance.



By Willy Lam

Call it the “Theory of the Three Harmonies.” Three years after assuming power, President Hu Jintao has concocted the one slogan that his publicists hope will best sum up the statecraft of the Fourth Generation leadership: he-ping, he-jie and he-xie. This “triple he [harmony]” can be rendered as “seeking peace in the world, reconciliation with Taiwan, and harmony in Chinese society.”

Hu and long-time ally Premier Wen Jiabao have been digging deep into the Communist-Chinese canon as well as ancient Confucian classics to generate a pithy motto to replace ex-president Jiang Zemin’s embarrassingly obtuse dictum, “the Theory of the Three Represents.” Coined by Jiang and his advisers during the last segment of his 13-year rule, the “Three Represents” shibboleth—that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) represents the highest level of productivity, the foremost culture and the people’s interests”—is widely seen as an elitist rallying cry to justify the empowerment of the “new class” of cadre-entrepreneurs. After taking over first the party leadership and then the chairmanship of the Central Military Commission (CMC), Hu is anxious to render the Hu-Wen team more appealing to the general populace. The important question is, of course, whether the “Theory of the Three Harmonies” will enable the CCP to mend its somewhat tattered mandate of heaven.

In marathon diplomatic forays the last two months of 2005, Hu, Wen and other senior Politburo members have told audiences around the world of Beijing’s commitment to the “peaceful rise” of China. Moreover, given that the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party was badly bludgeoned in last month’s mayoral and county-level polls in Taiwan, the CCP leadership is anxious to expand its united front tactics and “smile diplomacy” toward the opposition Nationalist Party as well as business magnates in the “breakaway province.” Yet the focus of Hu watchers has been on the crucial element of the promotion of “social harmony.” Just going by reports in the Chinese and international media, the number of demonstrations and riots staged in 2005 by members of “disadvantaged sectors” such as disgruntled peasants would likely exceed the 74,000 cases that occurred in 2004. There are also disturbing signs that both central and provincial leaders have given orders to the police as well as the para-military People’s Armed Police (PAP) to use brute force if necessary to crush the seeds of revolt. Thus an estimated 30 peasants were shot dead by PAP officers during a confrontation in the farming and fishing village of Dongzhou, Guangdong Province last month. Dongzhou residents were protesting against the construction of a power plant, which would damage the environment and result in the forced eviction of thousands of residents.

Sources close to the Hu camp said the 63-year-old president—who has been widely criticized for cracking the whip on intellectuals, journalists and restive peasants—wanted to boost his domestic and international standing by echoing the liberal ethos associated with his mentor Hu Yaobang, the late CCP general secretary and leader of the Communist Youth League (CYL). Hu Yaobang, who was instrumental in making Hu Jintao CYL boss in the early 1980s, is still fondly remembered for his “Theory of the Three Tolerances.” The latter dictum—kuan-song, kuan-hou and kuan-rong [“leniency, generosity and tolerance”]—was the leitmotif of the five-year “Beijing spring” that reigned, albeit on a sporadic basis, in the Chinese capital in the run-up to the 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre. An innovative theoretician, Hu Yaobang had advocated bold departures from Marxist-Leninist dogma and the allowance of party and government policy to reflect the real wishes of intellectuals and proletariats alike.

Obviously, neither Hu nor Wen intend to push forward the ideological liberalization movement begun by the late Hu and other early-generation CYL chieftains such as another disgraced Politburo member Hu Qili. Yet since gaining power at the 16th CCP Congress in late 2002, both Hu and Wen have presented themselves as “people-caring sage-emperors” in the mold of Confucius’ ideal, humanistic rulers. Indeed, many of Hu and Wen’s slogans, including “putting people first,” “running the administration for the sake of the people,” and “seeking harmony in the midst of differences” are pulled right out of the teachings of Confucius and like-minded sages such as Mencius.

It cannot be denied that compared with administrations under Jiang and Deng, the Hu-Wen team has paid more attention—and lavished more resources—on disadvantaged groups such as retired workers or peasants. For example, Beijing last week announced the abolition of all rural taxes by the end of 2006, a move that would save rural residents up to 100 billion yuan. Moreover, Wen’s State Council indicated that 218 billion yuan would be spent on rural education during the 11th Five-Year Plan of 2006-2010. The question remains, however, whether the Hu-Wen team has stuck to a top-down, noblesse oblige type of “Confucianist authoritarianism,” whereby leaders dispense largesse from on-high while denying the masses any meaningful chance of participation in governance. To this day, the Hu leadership has refused to let farmers and workers form independent trade unions or other types of non-party-controlled political or economic organizations.

In a way, the one area that Hu Jintao may have done Hu Yaobang the proudest may be the elevation of dozens of CYL alumnae to senior party and State Council posts. Despite barely concealed opposition from the remnant affiliates of the Jiang or Shanghai Faction, Hu’s CYL followers are expected to grab the lion’s share of new party and government slots to be opened up at the 17th CCP Congress scheduled for next year. This is despite widely held reservations by cadres outside of the CYL Faction that quite a number of Hu protégés are career party affairs specialists who have dubious qualifications for portfolios ranging from finance and foreign trade to legal and judicial affairs.

Diplomatic analysts in Beijing said Hu since early 2005 has spent considerable time on consolidating his hold over the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), perhaps the only sector of the body politic that still escapes his domination. One of Deng Xiaoping’s lasting legacies is the late patriarch’s instructions to younger colleagues, including ex-president Jiang and Hu, that political stability in the country can only be ensured if the “CCP has absolute leadership over the army.” Hu, in fact, understands only too well that a key reason why the late Hu could be so easily removed from power in early 1987 was that the latter had no clout in the PLA whatsoever.

Hu’s task, however, has been made difficult by the fact that Jiang, who was CMC chief for nearly 15 years, had until the very last moment insisted on having the final say on senior-level appointments. In the past two months, however, the new CMC Chairman has demonstrated a firmer grip on military affairs by masterminding a series of personnel changes within the top brass. Given that unlike Deng, Hu had never been a professional soldier, the new commander-in-chief lacks a solid corps of loyalists among senior military officers.

Hu has resorted to mainly two tactics to build up his credentials as a commander-in-chief that passes muster. The first is to elevate the sons of First- and Second-Generation revolutionaries to senior PLA slots. For example, Gen. Liu Yuan, son of former state president Liu Shaoqi, was late last year promoted Political Commissar of the Academy of Military Sciences. Moreover, Gen. Zhang Haiyang, the son of retired general and former Politburo member Zhang Zhen, was made Political Commissar of the important Chengdu Military Region. Tradition matters in the PLA, and Hu garners goodwill and support by giving preference to the offspring of respected state and army leaders.

The new CMC chief has also tried to boost his standing by inducting more officers from the navy and the air force into the three PLA headquarter departments, namely, the General Staff Department (GSD), General Political Department (GPD) and the General Logistics Department (GLD). Traditionally, generals from the ground forces have monopolized most of the posts of these three top units. Hu’s structural reform has endeared himself to the navy and the air force—which have become the mainstay of China’s power projection in the new century. For instance, Air Force Generals Liu Zhenqi and Li Maifu were last month installed respectively as GPD Deputy Director and GLD Deputy Director, while General Tong Shiping, from the navy, was made GPD Assistant Director.

In the final analysis, Hu and Wen understand that a regime cannot last if it depends solely on the ruthless efficacy of its control mechanisms, which in China’s case include the PLA, PAP, the secret police and the regular police. Yet the risk-averse Hu is loathe to arouse false expectations among the nation’s intelligentsia by going all out in his emulation of Hu Yaobang’s “Theory of the Three Tolerances.” Plans mooted earlier this year by his aides, such as allowing a dozen-odd of the less controversial Tiananmen Square-related exiled dissidents to return to China, have been abandoned. It will not be surprising, then, that perhaps for the rest of the decade, Chinese society will only exude a kind of artificial, party-sanctioned harmony that endures at the pleasure of New Strongman Hu


By Yitzhak Shichor

One of the basic components of post-Mao China’s policy, domestic and international, is opposition to separatism. This policy reflects China’s uncompromising adherence to the maintenance of territorial integrity at all costs—primarily with regard to Taiwan, but also to Tibet, Xinjiang and Inner Mongolia. Similarly, the Chinese are fundamentally and officially opposed to separatist movements elsewhere, suggesting recently that self-determination should not necessarily involve national independence and that stateless nations should not necessarily form, or be given, states.

These rules also apply to the Kurds. To be sure, Chinese scholars deplore the Kurdish “tragedy:” the fact that a nation with such a long history could never set up its own country; the refusal of any country to seriously help the Kurds; and the use of force by host governments (primarily Turkey) to suppress Kurdish nationalism. Nevertheless, the Chinese ultimately admit that the Kurds’ demand for independence endangers these countries’ territorial integrity and national security. They claim that Kurdish legal rights should be respected and protected, but only within an autonomous arrangement in an existing state. Separatism will only lead to war, engender terrorism, and will ultimately be rejected by the international community [1].

At the time of the July 1959 Kirkuk riots in Iraq, Beijing rhetorically identified with the Kurds’ fight for independence against Baghdad (Asian Survey, 6:11, 1966).
As the Kurdish revolt ended in March 1975, relations between China and Iraq began to improve. Moreover, in the 1980s Iraq became a major market for Chinese arms, some of which may have been used by Saddam against the Kurds. To be sure, until the early 2000s there was no real evidence of any Chinese interest in the Kurds, who claim independence from countries with which Beijing maintains full diplomatic relations (Iraq since 1958, Turkey and Iran since 1971).

Estimated at over 23 million, about 14.5 million Kurds live in Turkey (20 percent of the population); 4.6 million in Iran (7 percent); 4.3 million in Iraq (17 percent), and at least 1 million (some 9 percent) in Syria. Beijing has legally and officially recognized the territorial integrity and sovereignty of all these countries. Simultaneously, Beijing has undoubtedly been aware that already since the 1991 Gulf War, Kurds in Iraq have enjoyed de-facto independence, protected from Baghdad’s violence by a U.S.-enforced no-fly-zone. Since Saddam Hussein’s downfall in 2003, the Kurdish northern enclave has remained practically off-limits to the new Iraqi army. Correspondingly, there have been indications of growing Chinese interest in the Kurds.

In early August 2003 Beijing hosted Jalal Talabani, chairman of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and member of the Iraqi Interim Governing Council, who was later to become the first president of post-Saddam Iraq. Representing Iraq rather than the Kurds, he was invited by the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, an official “unofficial” instrument, and headed the first Iraqi delegation to visit China after the war. Tang Jiaxuan, PRC Foreign Minister and State Councilor, urged his guest to restore stability under the auspices of the United Nations, underscoring that the legitimate interests of various countries in Iraq (and by implication China) should be guaranteed. He indicated China’s concern about the implementation of Iraq’s post-war economic reconstruction and willingness to actively participate in it (Xinhua, August 7, 2003).

Since then the Kurdish stake in Iraq’s politics has grown dramatically. Following the January 30, 2005 election in Iraq, a Kurdish coalition won a major 75-seat bloc in the parliament. This led to the appointment of the Kurdish leader Jalal Talabani as Iraq’s first Kurdish president. Closely following these events, the Chinese media failed to mention the actual relations between China and the Kurds. These include a Chinese Communist Party (CCP) delegation led by Ding Lifen— who reportedly represented the International Department and the Central Committee—that arrived in early May 2005 through the Al-Munziriyah Crossing near Khanaqin (on the Iranian border). The delegation was received by the heads of the PUK Khanaqin media office and organization center. A member of the delegation said that the visit came in response to the PUK invitation and followed a visit by a PUK delegation to China that led to the “strengthening of relations between the two parties.” He added that these relations have gathered momentum, particularly after the “historic visit” by PUK leader Jalal Talabani to China (Al-Ittihad [Baghdad], May 11, 2005).

On May 15, chairman of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) Massoud Barzani met the Chinese Ambassador to Iraq and the Embassy’s economic and trade counselor. On behalf of his government, the ambassador invited Barzani to visit China. Stressing the Chinese people’s appreciation for the many sacrifices endured by the Kurdistan people, he expressed his hope for closer relations between the two peoples through expanded ties between the PRC and the Kurdistan regional government and especially between the CCP and the KDP. He underlined the important role of the Kurdistan people in rebuilding a federal and democratic Iraq. In response Barzani expressed his hope that the Chinese government would play its role in rebuilding Kurdistan (Khabat [Arbil], May 16, 2005).

One of the outcomes of these exchanges emerged in July 2005 when a weekly journal published by the Communist Party of Iraqi Kurdistan said that worldwide support for China was rising at the expense of the United States. Although the article, which was based on a U.S. publication (The Connecticut Post, June 24, 2005) did not mention the Kurds, it contained an implicit hint: “We [Kurds] should also say that the war of liberating Iraq has provided a big service to the people of Iraq and has encouraged others in the region and this war is still not finished” (Regay Kurdistan [Arbil], July 10, 2005, emphasis added). While Kurdish leaders, especially President Talabani, publicly brush aside the possibility of secession, they still insist on their right to self-determination “in case trouble erupts in Iraq in the future” (Chinadaily.com, August 17, 2005).

China’s gestures to the Kurds are motivated by several interests. First, they are used as leverage against Turkey, which still hosts Uyghur separatist activists and organizations. From the mid-1990s, Beijing has been applying pressure on Ankara to curb Uyghur separatist activism in its territory. Fully aware of the Kurdish issue in Turkey’s domestic politics and foreign policy, Beijing can use its relations with the Kurds—who claim Turkish territory—to twist Ankara’s arm even further [2]. Beijing uses the analogy between Uyghur and Kurdish separatism, implicitly threatening that if Ankara would continue to support Uyghurs, Beijing would support Kurds. Alluding to the Kurds, when President Jiang Zemin visited Turkey in April 2000 he commented that both countries were faced with the task of protecting national unity and territorial integrity and both opposed all kinds of international terrorism, national separatism and religious extremism (Turkish Probe, April 23, 2000; Guangzhou Ribao, April 21, 2000). Another consideration is China’s attempt to outflank the United States in Iraq by gaining a foothold in the north. Finally and most importantly, Beijing is interested in northern Iraq’s rich oilfields, primarily those controlled by the Kurds. According to official sources in Kurdistan, this region contains about 40 percent of Iraq’s oil reserves, or about 130 billion barrels.

The Chinese are evidently aware that Iraq’s new constitution, approved on October 15, 2005, uses ambiguous language on the issue of who is to control the oil industry—the central government or the local governments (Renmin Ribao, October 19, 2005). The constitution says that the central government and the local administrative authorities will cooperate in “managing” the “present” oilfields. It fails to precisely define what it means by “manage,” since such a definition may have certainly led to friction and conflict (Renmin Ribao, September 22, 2005). Similarly, while the use of the word “present” oilfields maintains ambiguity with regard to the “management” of “old” oilfields, it implies that the “management” of new oilfields—and their profits—would be controlled by local authorities. Consequently, the Kurds would likely control the old oilfields in their territory (notably in Kirkuk and Khanaqin) and will definitely control the new oilfields and oil explorations.

Indeed, it was recently disclosed that already in 2004 the KDP that controls much of northwestern Iraq, discreetly signed a deal with Norway’s DNO Company to drill for oil near the border city of Zakho, without Baghdad’s knowledge, let alone approval. DNO subcontracted the building of the oil drilling rig to the Chinese (unlisted) Great Wall Drilling Oil Company “that copied the latest American model.” Imported from China, the 30-floor tall rig was erected in 90 days and is capable of drilling 6,000 meters deep. This is the first rig in Kurdish Iraq since the 2003 war and the first in Iraq built by an international company in 20 years (The Globe, November 8, 2005). Drilling was launched on November 29, 2005, reportedly providing Nechirvan Barzani, prime-minister of the Kurdish northern government, with an occasion to vow: “There is no way Kurdistan would accept that the central government will control our resources […] The time has come that instead of suffering, the people of Kurdistan will benefit from the fortune and resources of their country.” Similar oil ventures are being explored with other foreign companies in other parts of Kurdish northern Iraq (Los Angeles Times, December 1, 2005).

It is inconceivable that the Chinese are not exploring possible oil resources in Kurdish controlled northern Iraq. Last October Beijing hosted a PUK delegation led by Korsat Rasul Ali, member of the PUK Politburo, conveniently referred to as an “Iraqi guest.” Welcoming the delegation, Wang Jiarui, head of the CCP International Department, expressed the hope to further increase cooperation between the two parties in various respects, noting China’s willingness to make active efforts for Iraq’s reconstruction (Xinhua, October 20, 2005). China’s interest in Kurdish oil reflects Beijing’s growing thirst for energy resources, especially since its Iraqi oil concessions have been suspended by the United States after the 2003 war. Already in November 1996 Iraq’s National Assembly had approved a proposal by China National Oil and Gas Exploration and Development Corporation to develop Iraq’s al-Ahdab oilfields. Located about 40 miles south of al-Kut in central Iraq, this field has an output potential of 80-90,000 b/d and an estimated reserves of 140 million tons, or 1.4 billion barrels. Based on this approval, in June 1997 CNPC together with NORINCO (China’s Northern Industries Corporation, a huge ordnance production conglomerate) formed a new company called al-Waha and signed a 50 percent post-sanction production-sharing contract to be implemented in 22 years, pledging to invest US$1.26 billion in al-Ahdab’s development and operating costs. While several French and Russian oil companies have conducted negotiations for the development of oilfields in Iraq, the al-Ahdab deal was the first to be actually signed (U.S. Energy Information Administration). By that time the Chinese were holding negotiations aimed at acquiring rights in at least three other Iraqi oilfields. Undoubtedly, these initiatives had been undertaken in anticipation of Iraq’s increased oil production and export once UN sanctions are lifted. Yet as soon as the war ended, Washington swiftly suspended China’s oil concessions in Iraq. Kurdish oil may become a substitute.

Beijing’s overtures toward the Kurds, who are treated as an almost independent nation, undermine its own policies and contradict its own principles on separatism. In no way would Beijing permit another country to treat China’s Uyghurs, Tibetans or Mongols likewise and sympathize publicly with their plight, invite their leaders, send delegations, hold negotiations, or sign agreements with them behind Beijing’s back. Importantly, China’s Kurdish policy does not mean that the Chinese are interested in Iraq’s disintegration, hoping to benefit from a new and independent Kurdish state. In addition to unleashing regional instability that would be detrimental to China’s interests, Kurdish independence would encourage other separatist movements (notably the Uyghur and the Tibetan) to fight for the same cause. On the other hand, complete Kurdish dependence on the “new” Iraq would render complete control over the north (and its oilfields) to not only Baghdad but, furthermore, to Washington. Thus the existing situation in northern Iraq, with increased Kurdish autonomy within a weak Iraqi state is, under the present circumstances, optimal for Beijing’s interests and conforms to its views on limited self-determination.


1. Pan, Zhiping (Ed.), Minzu zijue hai shi minzu fenlie: minzu he dangdai minzufenliezhuyi [National Self-Determination Is Still National Separatism: Contemporary National Separartism] (Urumqi: Xinjiang Renmin Chubanshe, 1999), pp. 88-91.
2. Kuang Shengyan and Chen Zhihong, “Kuerde gongrendang wenti ji qi dui Tuerqi neiwai zhengce de yingxiang” [The Question of the Kurdish Workers Party and Its Impact on Turkey’s Domestic and Foreign Policy] Xiya Feizhou [West Asia and Africa], No 4 (1995), pp. 19-24.

January 02, 2006

Pakistani Army operations against Baloch people , pictures worth 1000 words

Alas ! Panini and Tolkaappiyar were not German. They were bharatiya.

Alas ! Panini and Tolkaappiyar were not German. They were bharatiya.

This is a general plea for vinayam. Panini is our pitr., the pitr. of hindu civilization who has contributed so much to human thought.

"Vyaas Houston (1991), in one of his writings, mentions his discovery of the world's oldest living language: Sanskrit, the language of ancient India and Vedic civilization. He states thus: "It was perfectly clear to me that I had come upon a perfect language, a language that invokes the spirit, an inexhaustible wellspring of spiritual inspiration. The ancients called it devavani, the language of gods. Where did it come from? - A language infinitely more sophisticated than any of our modern tongues."

(Backus-Naur Form is a notation for computer programming languages)...The above makes the powerful plea that Backus-Naur Form (BNF) should be truly called Panini-Backus Form (PBF), as "we must give credit where credit is due." Paninian grammars, which consisted of over 4,000 algebraic rules and metarules have been studied by a number of scholars. Kak (1987), reviews the Paninian approach to natural language processing (NLP) and compares it with the current knowledge representation systems of Artificial Intelligence, and argues that Paninian-style generative rules and metarules could assist in further advances in NLP. Another article by Staal (included in this book) discusses the consistency of the system of rules of Panini, as tested by Fowler's Automaton. These are among the marvelous contributions of ancient India to computing sciences." The Panini-Backus Form in Syntax of Formal Languages by T.R.N. Rao, PhD http://www.infinityfoundation.com/


Such towering intellectual giants in the world of language studies like Panini or Tolkaappiyar has to be studied with vinayam so that the present and future generations of students can unravel many facets of knowledge systems.

The presence of injunctive in Vedic and its later disappearance in Samskritam is shown as an evidence for Proto-Indo-European. This can be proved to be a false proposition. The injunctive may as well be a proto-vedic _expression of mood.

Injunctive is an _expression for a general truth. This was used in Vedic. So was it used in Old Tamil, exemplified by Tirukkural: kar-ka, nir-ka atarkku ttaka (trans. learn, practice and stand what has been learnt). Gurubasave Gowda notes similar usages in Kannada and in Gujarati, e.g. "A verb in Gujarati also shows opposition in moods. This opposition is expressed either by a small class of words like s"kyo 'can' (potential mood), joie 'must' (injunctive mood) etc., or by the root of the verb itself, as in kha 'eat' (imperative mood). The small classes of words that express the different moods are designated as modals.." http://www.ciil-ebooks.net/html/papers/section1.html Expressions in Hindi such as kha_ 'eat!' are also examples of injunctive. So, it is an error to assume that Vedic injunctive disappeared and found _expression only in negative prescriptions in later Sanskrit. I would suggest that injunctive is proto-vedic, a pan-bharatiya Prakrit grammatical _expression to state a general truth, and not merely restricted to prescriptive negations or prohibitions such as ma_ dukkha bha_gbhavet (Don't become part of sorrow). See also Proto-vedic Continuity Theory http://protovedic.blogspot.com for a paradigm alternative to IE linguistics.

The following three part presentation of V. Swaminathan is instructive on the views of a German-centric person, a self-proclaimed scholar in Sanskrit. He cites Karl Hoffman without explaining why he cites Hoffman. In bharatiya, hindu tradition, vidyaa is supposed to produce vinayam (humility).

The statement of Swaminathan is powerful: Alas ! Panini is NOT a German. This tells it all, the hoax of indological scholarship related to either Panini or Sayana. A lot can be achieved in understanding the evolution of bharatiya languages and hindu thought, with a little vinayam.

Please read through the three articles by Swaminathan, retired Principal, Guruvayur Sanskrit Vidyaapeeth and judge for yourself if a German and Harvard University which employs him, should also have the vinayam to apologise to this teacher. In my opinion, the insulting words used against Swaminathan are an insult to hindu samajam. In civilized societies, how should an insult be compensated for?

Injunctive ! S'aapam !



Panini's Grammar, Sayanacharya's Vedic Bhashyas & Michael Witzel's 'Philology'

While criticizing David Frawley's interpretation of samudra 'ocean' in the Rigveda (The Hindu , Open page, 06 August 2002) Mr. Michael Witzel, Harvard University, has stated, "That Vedic language, like all others, did change from the Rigveda to the Upanishads" …… He further continues, "The Rigveda has many grammatical forms that had simply disappeared by the time of Panini. He and Sayana do not know e.g. of the injunctive (e.g. han Indro' him han)". By this above allegation Mr. Witzel tells his readers, in unambiguous language, that Panini and Sayana are ignorant of several Vedic grammatical forms of which the Rigvedic passage – bracketed in the above citation – illustrates one. We shall now undertake a close study of Panini and Sayana and see what result it will yield.

Panini recognizes two distinct phases of Sanskrit, Chandas (the Vedic) and Bhasha (the post Vedic) and he wrote his gramma r , ashtadhyayi, for both the phases of Sanskrit. He had even taken into consideration the dialectal variations of the Sanskrit of his time, reckoning two prominent dialects – the Eastern and the Northern. He had traversed the entire ground not leaving anything to be taken up by future grammarians, as a careful study of his grammar would reveal. On the Vedic side he had taken due note of all the threefold divisions of the Vedas, viz. Samhita, Brahmana and Aranyaka.

Panini's grammar has been considered as one among the six ancillary disciplines indispensable for a correct understanding or interpretation of the Vedas; therefore nothing in the Vedic language could have escaped the notice of Panini. Patanjali's (author of the Mahabhashya, an ancient commentary on Panini's grammar) observations on the relation of Panini's grammar to the Vedas deserve special mention in this connection -

'Panini's grammar teaches formation of words belonging to both the Vedic and spoken Sanskrit'. 'Grammar is the foremost among the six ancillaries of the Veda'. 'One ought to study (Panini's) grammar for preserving the purity of the Vedas, both in form and sense'. 'Words such as usha, tera, chakra and pecha are not found in use in the current language since there are other words that could replace them'. 'In fact the words said to be not in use are found in frequent use in the Vedas.' ' Even formation of words that had fallen into disuse ought to be taught.'

Patanjali's observations clearly highlight the importance of knowledge of Panini's grammar for the study of the Vedas and bring to the fore the fact that Panini had accounted for the formation of all the Vedic words though a good number of them had ceased to exist in the Sanskrit of his time.

Panini was fully aware of the richness of the grammatical forms in and the distinctive features of the Vedic language. The language of the Vedas is accented and Panini has framed hundreds of rules dealing with the Vedic accent though accentuation has almost disappeared from the language of his time. He has reckoned twelve infinitives of which eleven had become extinct in classical Sanskrit. The subjunctive forms, though frequently met with in the Vedas, had vanished from the post Vedic language without leaving any trace; and yet, Panini has formulated a number of rules dealing with subjunctive forms.

Instances of Panini noticing the peculiarities of the Vedic language are too numerous. While evidences of Panini's comprehensive and penetrating study of the grammatical forms of the Vedic language are overwhelming, Mr. Witzel's above allegation attributing ignorance to Panini can hardly sustain.

The injunctive had survived; it had not become defunct. Right from the Rigveda the use of the injunctive in association with the prohibitive negative particle ma has been a continuous flow, down the ages, till date, for an e.g ., ma gam, ma karshih, ma bhut, ma sma bhut, ma sma bhavat etc. It defies one's understanding as to how Panini, who has spared no pains to record and explain the formation of even antiquated and obsolete forms, had not taken cognizance of the injunctive which has been in regular use both in the Vedic and post-Vedic Sanskrit.

Injunctive is a term by which European orientalists refer to the forms of the non-augmented past tense forms, viz. the imperfect, aorist and pluperfect; it conveys the same sense as the subjunctive or the imperative or the optative or the precative does. In form, the injunctive is identical with the non-augmented imperfect, aorist and pluperfect and therefore Panini has not framed separate rules for deriving the injunctive forms. He does not treat the pluperfect as a distinct tense since he regards the pluperfect as a variety of the aorist for the reason that it admits only secondary terminations.

The Vedic language presents the forms of the past tenses under two different types - the augmented and the non-augmented. The augmented past tense: The augment is a prefix of the past tense forms and is taught by P.VI-4-71 and 72. Since the terminations for all the augmented past tense verbs are almost the same, Panini teaches the respective verbal formations by the same set of rules; The active forms by III. 4.78,99-101, 109-111 and VII.1.3,4 and 45 and the middle forms by III.4.78, VII.1.3 and 5 and VII.2.81.

The non-augmented past tense form, which falls under two heads – the one with and the other without the prohibitive particle ma - is obtained by dropping the augment according P.VI.4.74 and 75. The non-augmented past without ma is restricted to the Vedic (bahulam chhandasi amanyogepi VI.4.75) whereas the other one, i.e . with ma, is freely used in both the Vedic and post-Vedic Sanskrit ( na man yoge VI.4.74)

The non-augmented past tense form accompanied by ma is always used as injunctive. e.g. ma vidam, mas stham, ma gah, ma isata, ma vadhit and so on. Whereas the unaugmented past tense form without ma is used as injunctive as well as past indicative.

Indicative usage : e.g. dhatam, jani, paprathat, sidan, manvata etc.

Injunctive usage : e.g. vocam, dhah, takshat, vadhit, gat etc.

The aorist is used to express a past action in general (P III.2.110 ), the imperfect an action of the near past (III-2-111) and the perfect an action of the remote past (P III.2.115). The terms aorist, imperfect (and perfect ), in the rules cited, stand for both the augmented and non-augmented forms because the rules do not contain any qualifying term that might restrict their scope to any one of the two. Further, the past tenses – the aorist, imperfect and perfect – are employed optionally, in the Vedas, in the sense of other tenses and moods (P III.4.6) i.e. they are used as past, present and future indicatives and also as the subjunctive, imperative, optative and precative moods. From the four rules referred to above, it transpires that Panini has noticed the usage of the augmented and non-augmented past tenses in both the temporal and modal senses. Confining ourselves to the matter on hand, it is obvious that Panini had seen and recorded in his grammar the Vedic usage of the non-augmented imperfect, aorist and pluperfect in the sense of the injunctive, subjunctive, imperative, optative or precative and the past indicative - "In sense the forms that drop the augment are either indicative or injunctive".

Panini does not employ any special term to refer to the injunctive (unaugmented past tense) of the European Orientalists because it does not possess a sense of its own that is distinct from those conveyed by the subjunctive, imperative, optative and precative - "The general meaning of the injunctive expresses a desire, combining the senses of the subjunctive, the optative and the imperative".

It is highly significant, in this connection, to pay our attention on P VIII.3.50 wherein Panini notices the injunctive, subjunctive and the imperative forms of the root kri- kah, karat, karati, kridhi and kritam

Sayana is the well-known exegete of all the four Vedas. The excellence of his Vedic commentaries has largely thrown the earlier commentaries into oblivion. Every page of his commentaries unfailingly convinces the reader of the earnestness in his approach and the devotion and sincerity he exhibits in accomplishing the stupendous task he has set before himself. In his lengthy introduction to his commentary on the Rigveda Samhita he has explained in clear terms the method he has followed in writing his commentary. He has made full use of the traditional ancillary sciences, fourteen in number, and has also consulted the earlier commentaries on the Vedas. He has not failed to tap any source connected with the Vedas, directly or indirectly and closely or remotely, wherefrom he could derive the material necessary for achieving his target. Even a cursory reader of his Vedic commentaries will be astonished at his mastery over the fourteen disciplines and the utmost ease with which he quotes from them. At times he differs from the earlier authorities, while always expressing his views in all humility and politeness. Nothing has been left out unexplained. As a responsible commentator he has been extremely cautious in utilizing the available sources, starting with the padapatha and Brahmanas down to the works of his times. One of the main principles he strictly adheres to in his commentaries is due consideration of the context. He explains the text in harmony with the context; he carefully avoids whatever that runs repugnant to the context.

Since the non-augmented past tense and the injunctive are identical in from one will find it extremely difficult to fix the identify of the given non-augmented verbal formation from its mere form.. One will have to necessarily seek the help of the context in fixing the nature of the verb – temporal or modal. In other words the context is the infallible guide under such circumstances.

Sayana is cognizant of the dual function of the non-augmented past tense forms. Referring to the pertinent rules of Panini he accounts for their formation and gives their meanings in accordance with the context in which they occur.

Examples of non-augmented past tense forms :

sakat ( RV.I.10.6), jushata (I.25.18), cyavanta (I.48.2), ni-kramih (I.51.6 ), bhinat ( I.52.5), ni-barhayah (I.53.7), srijat (I.55.6), bharat (I-60-1), vidhyat (I.61.7), anu-dayi (I.61.15 ), kah (VI.26.5), Sayana gives the meanings of these non-augmented past tense forms either by their corresponding augmented ( indicative ) forms and past active participle in the case of familiar verbs and by means of the augmented past tense forms and past active participle forms of verbs having the same meaning in the case of the not familiar verbs.

Examples of injunctive forms :

jushanta (RV.I.3.9), dat (I.24.1), dat (I.24.2), rinoh (I-30-14 ), mimrishah (I-31-16), tarishtam (I-34-11), mrikshatam ( I.34.11), Karat (I.43.2), tatananta (I.52.11), Kshipat ( X.182.1-3), pari-gat (II.33-14). Citing the relevant rules of Panini, Sayana accounts for these injunctive forms and gives their meaning accordingly. He is at liberty to indicate the meaning of the injunctive by any one of the four modal forms – subj., imp, opt or prec – according to P III.3.157, III-3-159, III-3-161, III-3-162, III-3-173 and III.4.7. (It has been pointed out already that the injunctive is used in the sense of the other four moods). But he presents the meaning of the injunctive by means of the corresponding imperative or optative (or less frequently precative) forms. The reason behind Sayana's choice is quite clear. To a student of classical Sanskrit who is well acquainted only with the imperative, optative and precative moods and not with the subjunctive it is reasonable to present the meanings through the known modal forms and not through the unknown.

It will be of much interest to know how Sayana deals with 'dat ' which occurs twice among the examples for the injunctive. In the first instance i.e. R.V.I.24.1, the context suggests uncertainty and therefore he gives the meaning by the optative, dadyat and in the second instance, I.24.2 the context implies a wish and hence by the imperative dadatu. In both the instances the meaning given are vouched by the context. The paramount importance that Sayana attaches to the context is well brought out by this example.

The illustration as presented by Mr. Michael Witzel (i.e. the three words ' indro him han' in immediate succession) as an evidence of Panini's ignorance of the Vedic injunctive is to be met with nowhere in the Rigveda Samhita. In RV.V.29.2 the two words ahim and han are found to be in immediate succession. Here han is an non-augmented imperfect form expressing a past action and as such it cannot be taken as an injunctive form. Our concern here is only with han; we need not bother about the sentence of which it may be a member.

Instances of the use of the non-augmented han as both indicative and injunctive are met with in the Rigveda and duly noticed by Sayana. The verbal form han may be either II person singular or III person singular since the II and III person singular forms of the root han are identical.

The non-augmented han is used as past indicative in the following instances. RV.V-29-2, VI-18-5, VI-20-2, VI-26-5, VI-27-5 and VI-47-2. Quoting the relevant rules from Panini, Sayana accounts for the form and gives their meaning by either the corresponding augmented past tense form or the past active participle of the root han. The non-augmented han is used as injunctive in RV.VII.9.6, and X.182. 1-3. With a reference to the concerned rules of Panini, Sayana explains the formation and presents the meaning by the imperative II and III person singular forms, as demanded by the context. i.e., jahi and apa-hantu respectively.

From the above, the reader will find that, contrary to Mr. Witzel's allegation, Panini and Sayana possess a thorough knowledge of the grammatical forms which, according to Mr. Witzel, are unknown to both of them. Further, the foregoing study conclusively establishes Mr. Witzel's own innocence of Panini and Sayana. That he has not made a serious study of either Panini or Sayana in the original needs no mention. His attribution of ignorance to both of them is a disclosure of his own ignorance of the monumental works of these outstanding ancient Indian authors. It is not fair on the part of Mr. Witzel to indulge in pernicious allegation against the exalted personalities of Panini and Sayana and mislead the reading public thereby.

Mr. Witzel accepts the usefulness of the ancillary disciplines in the interpretation of the Vedic texts. But he has denied to himself the advantageous utilization of the ancillary sciences when he dubs Panini, with a single stroke of his pen, as ignorant of many grammatical forms in the Vedas. As a Vedic scholar he should have made a thorough study of Panini and Sayana before passing any judgment over their writings. Witzel formulates a number of rules, in the Open Page referred to already, for the guidance of a researcher in regard to the utilization of the material he has got on hand. But he conveniently sets them aside in his own case; perhaps he meant them exclusively for others. We refrain from referring to some more contradictory and inconsistent statements as they fall outside the scope of our write up.

[Note: All the references preceded by 'P' refer to Panini's Ashtadhyayi]

V. Swaminathan (Retd. Principal, Guruvayur Sanskrit Vidyapeeth)


[Note: In an earlier comment that is available at http://www.bharatvani.org/reviews/philology.html, Dr. Swaminathan had questioned Professor Witzel's estimation of Panini's comprehension of Vedic grammar. Professor Witzel responded in a very abusive and arrogant manner, just as he often addresses other Indian/Hindu scholars. This response is available at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/INDOLOGY/message/2939 .

The first few lines of the response by Professor Witzel read –

" Again, I don't object if people want to make fools of themselves. V. Swaminathan, Retired Principal, Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapeetha, Tiruchur, now finds himself on the "patriotic" bharatvani web site in the good company of Rajaram, Frawley et al. Thank god(s) I can save time to answer this purely grammatical question (which could have been handled calmly!)… Daniel Baum < dbaum@i...> has felt it necessary to correct the grammatical deficiencies of Swaminathan in his Indo-Iranian list ( Mon, 13 Jan 2003)…."

Daniel Baum himself professes ignorance of Panini, in subsequent communication. Nevertheless, the reader can refer to his view at the URL of Professor Witzel's post listed by me above. The reader can also refer to considerable discussion on this matter in the public archives of the Indo-Iranian Discussion list, available at http://groups.yahoo.com/group/indo_iranian ( - Bharatvani Team) ]


Panini's Understanding of Vedic Grammar

A Rejoinder to Professor Michael Witzel and Daniel Baum

By Dr. V. Swaminathan, Retd. Principal, Guruvayur Sanskrit Vidyapeeth

In my article entitled "Panini's Grammar, Sayanacharya's Vedic Bhasyas and Michael Witzel's Philology" I had exposed the hollowness of Witzel's allegation that "Panini and Sayana do not know the injunctive e.g. han" and conclusively established that Panini and Sayana were thoroughly acquainted with the injunctive. My thesis rests upon the secure foundation of Panini's sutras whose dependability as valid evidence can never be questioned. The sutras speak for themselves; they do not expect corroboration or support from any external source.

Witzel has not spoken anything against my thesis. Nor has he made any attempt to examine the evidences I have adduced. It is highly impossible for him to venture upon such an examination as his writings reveal he had not studied Panini's work in the original Sanskrit. How can he understand the subtle meanings and the modus operandi of the sutras of Panini? Therefore he has chosen to launch a personal attack on me, employing offending and uncharitable expressions. He writes –

1. that I am a fool (indirectly of course),

2. that my article is the result of mere patriotism,

3. that he could calmly answer questions pertaining to grammar, implying that I am ignorant of solutions to difficult problems in grammar, and

4. that my knowledge of grammar is deficient.

The motive behind this scathing attack is to make the reader prejudiced against my article and tell him that the author can deliver no goods worth the name.

Let us now see whether these hostile remarks are substantiable. An intelligent reader with a balanced mind knows pretty well that leaving the subject aside and indulging in personal attacks, in a discussion or debate, is a positive sign of weakness – incompetence to proceed on or lack of wit. Will any wise person believe that an intelligent reader will tacitly subscribe to his biased views and switch over to his way of thinking? Certainly not.

It is absolutely absurd and ridiculous on the part of Witzel to say that he would answer this purely grammatical question calmly. If he is capable of answering this purely grammatical question he could have given his answer in a brief manner at least. Where is the necessity to depute Mr. Daniel Baum to deal with this grammatical question? What is it that prevented him from providing an answer? The intelligent reader certainly knows what it is.

Reeling under a tight grip of prejudice and intolerance of colossal magnitude could he ever think of calmness? With little or nil knowledge of Panini's work he arrogates to answer difficult questions in grammar. A penniless man rushes forward to extend financial assistance to others.

By casting the sarcastic remark "now finds himself on the patriotic website", Witzel intends to say that my article is not founded on facts; it is a product of mere patriotism. His intolerant attitude has deprived him of his mental faculties to distinguish a writing containing purely matter of fact statements from a writing emerging from pure patriotism. I give, hereinafter, extracts from the writings of some well-known scholars representing their estimate of Panini.

T. Goldstuker:

"Panini's grammar is the centre of a vast and important branch of the ancient literature. No work has struck deeper roots than his in the soil of the scientific development of India. It is the standard of accuracy in speech – the grammatical basis of Vaidika commentaries. It is appealed to by every scientific writer whenever he meets with a linguistic difficulty - Panini is the only one among those authors of scientific works who may be looked upon as real personages, who is a Rishi in the proper sense of the word, an author supposed to have had the foundation of his work revealed to him by a divinity".

Paul Thieme:

"If Panini had done nothing more than expound the rather simple principles of his functional analysis and make them clear by a few well chosen examples, he would have earned already a claim to be held one of the greatest linguist of all times. Even then he could have furnished Bopp the key to his comparative grammar. Even then we should have to acknowledge that our modern representations of stem - and word - formation in the 'Indo-European' languages essentially are nothing else but the consistent application of his great discovery. We merely add the idea of historical development, which is a modern, which is totally European, idea. In fact, Panini has done more. He applied the principles of his functional analysis to the entire extensive field of the Sanskrit language, following it up to its last consequence by leaving unexplained nothing he could explain by it. Thus he presented us not only with a great idea, but with a grand scientific work. It lies before us spread out like a wonderful carpet woven out of hundreds of brilliant discoveries and inventions, all of which derive from one fundamental truth, are subservient to one fundamental truth: the truth that, the inflected word forms of the Sanskrit language can be analyzed into their functional elements in a rational way. The passionate wish to limit the unavoidable rest to a minimum – that is the spring setting in motion the capacities of his prodigious sagacity and of his ingenious intuition, the splendour of which millennia could not tarnish". "Panini's grammar has been called the first complete and accurate description of a language".

"Panini's teaching method approaches the accuracy of a mathematical deduction. It has, apparently, no practical, but only a theoretical, purpose. It seems to give knowledge for the sake of knowledge only. It does not belong to the category of 'arts' but of science".

"The 'built-up' 'regularly formed' character of the Sanskrit words and utterances is complicated enough to the layman. It is a truth that could be looked upon as paroksha 'beyond sensual conception'. It is realizable to the deep insight only".

"Studying Panini's vyakaranam we are in the presence of a momentous hour in the history of the development of human thinking. It is an hour of birth of science out of magic".

A.L. Basham:

"Though its fame is much restricted by its specialized nature, there is no doubt that Panini's grammar is one of the greatest intellectual achievements of any ancient civilization, and the most detailed and scientific grammar composed before the 19 th century in any part of the world".

George Cardona, a living Panini expert:

"Panini's is the earliest complete treatise of its kind to have been preserved. Moreover this work has exalted status".

All these four scholars are non-Indians. Will Witzel boldly declare that they have been inspired by patriotic feelings when they penned the extracts quoted above? Even a cursory reader will not fail to notice that every item in my article is fully supported by unassailable evidence. It is purely objective in nature. Witzel's presumption that my article is an outcome of patriotism is sheer nonsense.

In contrast, I present here a few samples of patriotic writings.

Shakespeare, in Richard II:

This royal throne of kings, this sceptered isle,

This earth of majesty, this seat of Mars,

This other Eden, demiparadise

This fortress built by nature for herself

This precious stone set in the silver sea

This blessed plot, this earth, this realm, this England ,

This nurse, this teeming womb of royal kings,

Feared by their breed, and famous by their birth;

Renowned for their deeds afar from home

This land of such dear souls, this dear dear land

Dear for her reputation through the world

England bound in with the triumphant sea

Whose rocky shore beats back the envious siege.

Sir Walter Scott, in Lay of the last Minstrel

Breathes there the man whose soul so dead

Who never to himself hath said

This is my own my native land.

Witzel writes, "Daniel Baum has felt it necessary to correct the grammatical deficiency of Swaminathan" (I quote) and reproduces Daniel Baum's comments that appeared in his Indo-Iranian list. We shall now see whether this statement contains any truth and whether Mr. Baum can propose any correction worth the name.

It requires no special skill to know that it is Witzel who has commissioned Baum to go through my article and offer adverse comments. The comments offered by Baum might have surely disappointed Witzel owing to the absence of personal attack and use of foul and pungent language in them.

The purpose of my penning the article is to highlight the fact that Panini and Sayana were thoroughly acquainted with the injunctive in both of its aspects, via, morphological and functional and to prevent the misapprehension that Witzel's Open Page write up may create in the mind of the readers. In evidence of what I had said I had solely relied upon Panini's sutras, Patanjali's comments thereon, RV verses and Sayana's comments thereon. I had not quoted from the works of any European writer in support of my statements since Panini and Sayana stand on their own legs and do not stand in need of support from any European Orientalist who will be appearing on the arena several centuries after their times. Any citation I had made or will make in the course of this article from their works is only to show their concurrence in respect of the issue on hand and not to derive and add any weight to Panini's and Sayana's writings. This fact I had clearly indicated in the first paragraph of my article, by the words "a close study of Sayana and Panini". Any attempt therefore to assess my article with an invocation to the writings of the European Orientalists is unwarranted. I have freely availed the grammatical terms used in the works, on Sanskrit grammar, in English since the article is mainly meant for the English knowing readers.

With this preamble I now proceed on a critical examination of Baum's comments.


Mr. Daniel Baum accepts unequivocally that Panini and Sayana were acquainted with the injunctive forms when he says "it is pretty obvious they were acquainted with the forms themselves". But he also says that "he cannot comment on whether or not Panini or Sayana were acquainted with the functions of the injunctive". He has not disclosed the evidence he has relied upon to arrive at the conclusion that Panini and Sayana were acquainted with the injunctive form.

Evidently he has to go to the works of Panini or Sayana in the original to ascertain whether they have known the injunctive. Secondhand information gathered from the studies carried on in the modern European languages, distanced by millennia, will never serve as a secure foundation to base any conclusion. If his assertion that Panini and Sayana were acquainted with the injunctive form is a result of a first hand knowledge of the Ashtadhyayi, then he must be able to express decisively about Panini's acquaintance with the functions of the injunctive. There would have been no occasion for the non-committal statement 'I cannot comment on whether or not Panini or Sayana were acquainted with the function of the injunctive', to emerge. The study of the Ashtadhyayi would have unfailingly enabled him to come forward with a decisive statement. If Panini's work in the original had not been consulted by him in this regard, then he is not competent to offer any comment on my article. I reiterate that my account of the injunctive in both of its aspects was entirely based on the grammatical rules of Panini. In fact, my account is only an English rendering of the rules. In my article I had referred to the rules concerned by the numbers of the chapters, sections and the rules.

Panini has elaborately dealt with the functions of all the verbs – tenses and moods, ten in total according to his scheme – by a large number of sutras nestling in the second, third and fourth sections of the third chapter of his work. In the light of the above-mentioned facts the comment "the description of the functions of the injunctive as found in the article are quite inaccurate" cannot sustain. I also quoted from A. A. Macdonell's Vedic grammar, "The general meaning of the injunctive expresses a desire combining the senses of the subjunctive, the optative and the imperative".


Never had I said that the augment is optional in general. Nor had I referred to any rule of Panini that enjoins the augment optionally. Nor had I written that the injunctive form takes the augment optionally. All the five examples I had given for the injunctive are augmentless forms; I had not included even one augmented form in the list. Therefore the statements "the augment is probably never optional", "Thus the augmentless forms should always be termed injunctives" meant as a corrective to my description of the injunctive form cannot claim legitimate accommodation in the midst of the comments and as such unwarranted. It presupposes what I had never said and is therefore baseless. Perhaps Mr. Baum thinks that the word ' bahulam' in P VI.4.75 (I had cited) means option. In Panini's sutras, 'bahulam' is employed to convey more than one sense and option is one among them. Bahulam meaning option holds good only in the case of the augmentless indicative.

Further the statement that "the augment is simply to be dropped when the poet felt like it" involves self-contradiction. It implies that the poet does not drop it when he does not feel like it. The clause 'when the poet felt like it' is meant to necessarily exclude the opposite (when he did not feel like it) as otherwise it becomes superfluous and has no place in the sentence. If the augmentless forms are always injunctive how could the poet use an augmented form? When he does not drop it the augment becomes optional, an instance of blatant contradiction.

An important note on augment (agama) dropping (lopa) and option (vibhasha)

Augment, dropping, option and the like are certain devices, adopted by the ancient Sanskrit grammarians, to enable the students to learn the formation of words easily ( laghuna upayena) with minimum effort (alpena yatnena) and in less time. Patanjali observes, "Very extensive indeed is the domain of words", "There is no easier method other than Vyakarana in learning words", "Will learn vast expanse of words with minimum effort". These devices have no function in the actual language. Finished words are already available in the language. The speaker chooses the words capable of conveying his ideas. Both the scholar and the layman do not fashion words either by dropping some element from ( bhavati, bhavat), or by adding some element to (dattva, dattvaya), the existing word. Nor do they optionally effect an addition or dropping ( ahni, ahani, janah, janasah).

An ordinary individual (with moderate learning or no learning) even without a knowledge of the grammatical devices is able to clothe his ideas in a correct and easily understandable language. Patanjali expresses this in a humorous language. "When one wants to do some work with a jar he goes to the potter and requests him to make a jar for his use. Whereas a person who wants to express by means of words does not go to the residence of a grammarian and request him to manufacture words for his use. Even without going to the grammarian he simply gathers the ideas in his mind and makes them known by the utterance of proper words".

Reverting to the foregoing discussion, the poet does not fashion the injunctive from an augmented past tense form by dropping the augment. Both the augmented and augmentless forms are already there in the language he speaks. He picks up the augmented or augmentless forms according to his requirements. In a prose composition the author can freely exercise his option. But in a metrical composition like the RV Samhita, his freedom for option becomes restricted and he has to abide by the exigencies of the metre. Exercise of option could take place only in respect of the past indicative and not the injunctive.

The augmented aorist and imperfect form of a verb expresses an action of the past, P III.2.110 and 111. In the sutras that define them, the words aorist and imperfect stand for both the augmented and augmentless forms. As a consequence, the augmentless form also expresses an action of the past. Further according to P III.4.6, the past tense forms (augmented and augmentless) are optionally employed as moods, in the Vedas. To facilitate a clear understanding, the meaning of P III.4.6 is presented in two parts – (1) the augmentless past tense form signifies either a tense or a mood and (2) the augmented past tense form also signifies either a tense or a mood.

In my article I spoke about the dual function of the augmentless form as a tense (past indicative) and a mood (injunctive). I also pointed out the difficulty in identifying the augmentless verbal formation on account of the identity in its form and also the context as the infallible guide in settling the nature of the form – tense or mood.

A close study of the contextual setting of the verb becomes an indispensable aid in taking a decision in this regard. The augmentless past tense form will have to be taken as past indicative if,

1) it unmistakably expresses an event of the past. Eg. Vadhim (RV VI.165.8), vadhih (RV IV.30.8), vadhit (RV IV.17.3), manyata (RV IV.17.4), janayanta (RV VII.22.9), janayan (RV X.66.9)

2) the other finite verbs in the verse describe the happenings of the past.

Eg. (a) Prairayat, ajanayat, vidat, saadhat. II.19.3 (all imperfect forms predicated to the same subject)

(b) Vriscat, cakramanta (II.19.2)

(Several verses in II.19 allude to the various exploits of Indra – all events of the past)

(c) prabharah, avah, ahan, tutoh (VI.26.4)

(d) Asa, mamada, han (VI.47.2)

3) it happens to be one among the verbs, in a verse, that allude to a chain of past events.

(a) astabhayat, dharayat , paprathat, cakara, II.15.2

(b) archan, adatta , han, asrijat V.29.2

(c) airayatam, pra vocat . I.117.22

4) the augmented form is employed in the same hymn to express the same action.

(a) Kah, akah V.29.5, 10

(b) Han, ahan V.29.2 , 3

(c) Bhinat, abhinat II.11.20, 18; I.52.5, 10

(d) Vocat, avocan I.117.22, 25

A careful examination of the context would reveal some more guidelines required in deciding the indicative character of the verb (augmentless past tense form); but the guidelines utilized above are sufficient for our purpose.

The above cited examples (of augmentless forms) in their contextual setting unequivocally speak in favour of their indicative character. They satisfy Panini's definition of the past indicative, (P III.2.110 and 111). In light of the facts presented above, the statement 'they do not really behave like indicative forms' dwindles into nothing.

The description of the function of the indicative forms in my article is strictly in accordance with the definition given by Panini. Consequently, the charge of inaccuracy vanishes into thin air. The European orientalists also accept the indicative character of the augmentless past tense forms. A. A. Macdonell writes, "In sense the forms that drop the augment are either indicative or injunctive, these being about equal in number in the RV". "When normal they are of course identical with the unaugmented indicative". "Its use constitutes one of the chief difficulties of Vedic grammar and interpretation because it cannot always be distinguished from the subjunctive or from an unaugmented indicative".

Note on the second meaning of P III.4.6

In my article I had observed that the term imperfect and aorist in P III.4.6 stand for both the augmented and augmentless forms. In a former context I described the meaning of the sutra in two parts; i.e., with reference to (1) the augmentless forms and (2) the augmented forms. So far we had occasion to speak only about the augmentless form behaving as a mood (injunctive) as well as a tense (past indicative) – the first part of the meaning of P III.4.6. Now we turn towards the second part; i.e., the augmented form and its dual function; modal and temporal. The augmented form as a past tense verb is too well known to require any proof. The behaviour of the augmented form as a mood stands in need of clarification. There are certain augmented injunctive forms, of course, in association with ' maa'. The Kasika gives some examples: (1) 'maa bijaani avaapsuh' (2) maa abhitthas and (3) maa avah, under P VI.4.75. The Kasika considers P VI.4.75 a more fitting context since the injunctives appear in association with the prohibitive particle 'maa'. It is evident that the source of these examples must be some Vedic texts since they had been cited as illustrations of a grammatical rule whose field of operation is limited to the Vedas. This usage appears to be a deviation from the normal. This rather strange usage, however, has gained entry even into the classical poetry through the epic. The famous verse, in the first canto of the first book of the Ramayana, ' maa pratishtham agamah', etc is a typical example from the epic. The Padamanjari while explaining Kasika VI.4.74 quotes, 'maa valipatham anvagah ', the foot of a verse from a kavya. P III.4.6 is a general rule and the augmented injunctive comes within the purview of this rule. According to P III.4.6., the augmented injunctive will have to be considered a normal formation, not an instance of deviation or irregularity. This single rule comprehends all types of injunctives (with maa, without maa, augmented and augmentless) leaving none beyond its ambit. It establishes beyond doubt that Panini is a great grammarian endowed with an incisive intellect and possessing a deep insight into the very nature of the language enabling him to have a comprehensive view of the entire domain of words, the units of speech.

The writer has said that "there is a big difference between the present injunctive and aorist injunctive"; but not what the difference consists in. He perhaps intends, by implication (as understood from the next sentence), that the aorist injunctive may sometimes be used as imperative, but never the present injunctive.

The existence of such a difference is not borne out by facts. On the other hand, there is ample testimony to invalidate the stand taken by the writer. In my article I pointed out that ' han' RV VII.9.6 is second person present injunctive and Sayana has given the meaning by the imperative form, 'jahi'. The following instances are second person present injunctives used in the imperative sense: rinoh, pinak, veh etc. Besides the second person, we come across instances where forms of the other two persons also are used in the imperative sense eg. han, kshipat, takshat, nakshat, sphurat, namanta, navanta, nakshanta, cyavam. In the presence of examples to prove the contrary, the observation that the present injunctive is apparently never used modally lacks substance.

The writer has also said that the present and the aorist differ in their other functions when not combined with ' maa', but not what those differences are.

Panini has described the meanings of the optative in a number of sutras. The meanings given by him could be brought under two distinct categories – (1) those independent of the associate word and (2) those dependent on the associate word. He ascribes to the imperative (P III.3.162) and subjunctive (P III.4.7) only those meanings that belong to the first category. To put it precisely, the imperative and the subjunctive convey all the meanings (independent of the associate word) of the optative i.e., to express the meanings of the first category the speaker is at liberty to use any one of the modal forms – injunctive, optative, imperative or subjunctive.

eg. na maa taman na sraman nota tandran

na vocaama maa sunoteti somam I

yo maa prinaat yo dadat yo nibodhaat

yo maa sunvantam upa gobhir aayat II.30.7

Here we witness the free use of the subjunctive, imperative and injunctive. According to P III.4.6, the imperfect and the aorist forms – augmented as well as augmentless – could be used modally. In other words, the augmentless past tense form conveys the meanings of the injunctive, optative, imperative or subjunctive.

Vocam according to Panini is a regular injunctive form. There is no evidence to presume that it must be a subjunctive form. The other subjunctive forms of ' vac' that actually occur in the RV are 'vocaati', 'vocaama' and ' vocaavahai' and accordingly the first person singular form would have been 'vocaa'. 'Vocam occurs in several hymns of the RV. One such instance is 'vishnor nukam viryaani pra vocam' (I.154.1). Macdonell also holds that 'vocam' here is an injunctive form.

The writer believes that ' vocam' in 'indrasya nu viryaani pravocam' does not in itself contain the injunctive sense (injunction or command), but borrows it from the outsider ' nu'.

'Nu' is an adverbial particle meaning, 'now', 'quickly' etc. ' Nu' as an adverb can express only time or place or the manner of the action denoted by the verb – here the injunctive form - and nothing else; it could never convey the injunctive sense (command). As such, it cannot give what it never possesses. If the injunctive does not contain the modal sense within itself it forfeits its claim for the name, injunctive.

An injunctive verbal form means a command to execute the action expressed by the root element (of the verb). "The augmentless forms of the past tenses used modally are suitably termed injunctives as they appear to have originally expressed an injunction".

Further if 'vocam' is assumed to be an injunctive it contains in itself, beforehand, the injunctive sense and therefore it does not require importation of the sense from an external source.

Furthermore, the use of the injunctive forms – in large number – of the root ' vac' not in association with 'nu' absolutely rules out the possibility of 'nu' being a lender.

Vocam: 'Indrasya vocam prakritani viryaa RV II.21.3 Also V.31.6 and V.85.5

Vocat: III.54.5 and IV.5.3

The analogies of 'maa' and the augment ' a' are not befitting in the present context. Maa is a negative prohibitive particle and like 'nu ' has a definite meaning (negation) of its own: negation pure and simple, i.e., unsullied and unalloyed with any extraneous meaning. When construed with a verbal form in a sentence it could only negate what has been expressed by the verb; it neither acquires any additional meaning nor does it become capable of imparting any extra meaning. The word and the particle (with which it is construed in a sentence) with their own individual meanings are already there in the language. The speaker simply pieces them together to express the intended meaning. There is no usage or Panini's rule which speaks for ' maa' acquiring or imparting any extra meaning. The writer's contention that the injunctive gains extra meaning - negative modality - from the addition of ' maa' leads to the presupposition of (1) 'maa' performs the dual function of expressing negation and modality and (2) the modal form stands stripped of its modal sense. As pointed out previously, there is no evidence whatsoever to sustain the first supposition.

The writer affixes his seal of approval on the second supposition when he says 'the injunctive lacks verbal categories'. Such a supposition entails the acceptance of the following deductions.

1. A finite verb (the injunctive) expresses a mere action - the meaning of only a part (root) of it.

2. The verbal inflection conveys no meaning.

3. The subject of a sentence will have to be syntactically related to a word expressing mere action (having no reference to time or mode).

4. The root even with the addition of a verbal inflection expresses mere action (its own meaning).

5. The term injunctive becomes a misnomer; i.e., it is called injunctive although it never expresses an injunction.

A careful consideration of the nature of the verbal forms in Sanskrit will falsify these deductions. By subjecting the Sanskrit language to a minute analysis Panini has discovered that every constituent unit of a word (root, suffix, inflection and preposition) expresses a meaning of its own. The finished word conveys the sum total of the meanings of its constituent units. No word therefore could afford to drop out the meanings of its constituents and no constituent of a word could be deemed meaningless. The result of his penetrating analysis (the meanings of suffixes and inflections) lay embodied in chapters 3, 4 and 5 of his ashtadhyayi. By any stretch of imagination no word or a part of it could be deemed as devoid of meaning.

"A full description is given of the suffixes ( pratyaya) only; we are instructed not only as to their phonetic shape and the effect they have on preceding elements (guna, vrddhi, accent), but also as to their functions, since these are the necessary condition for their being added. Panini focuses his interest on the proceedings by which the simple abstract elements are connected in order to form utterance (speech units)".

"Panini offers his arguments in the form of a description. It is not the description of the Sanskrit language, but a regular description of word formation in Sanskrit. As such it is indeed perfect, not only in the sense that it is (almost) complete but also as to its quality. It is throughout mechanistic, in so far as it does not make, beside its basic assumption, any arbitrary assumption and presents only observable and verifiable facts with strict objectivity".

In a sentence, verb is the most dominant element and as such a sentence can never dispense with a verb. A verb, by definition, must necessarily express the time or mode of action in addition to the action. In a Sanskrit sentence there must be perfect agreement between the subject and verb (the main element of the predicate). The agreement consists of identity in person and number. To make a meaningful sentence the verb must convey an action - temporal or modal - a person and a number. In other words, a word, built of a root and inflection (verb), must be an integral part of a sentence.

As such, an injunctive form would fail to convey any meaning and therefore cannot become the essential part of a sentence if the modal inflection refrains from expressing any meaning. i.e., a word expressing a mere action is not a verb and cannot act as a constituent unit of a sentence.

In Sanskrit, a root expresses its meaning, 'action', only when accompanied by an action- noun, suffix. In association with a modal inflection a root can never express its meaning. There is no usage or grammatical rule that may be profitably availed in this regard. Even root nouns such as ' druh', 'subh', 'rish' and the like are supposed to be followed by a suffix capable of preventing the strengthening (' guna') of the root. Otherwise the absence of 'guna' in these instances would become inexplicable.

The term injunctive is not a misnomer in Panini's grammar since it expresses an injunction, one among the meanings of the injunctive, according to P III.4.6. This aspect of the injunctive has been highlighted earlier.

The augment 'a' does not stand on a par with ' nu' or 'maa' – particles having independent existence and a meaning of their own. Whereas the augment ' a' never exists independent of the verbal form; it always exists as a limb of the past tense verb. It does not possess any meaning. Panini also does not ascribe any meaning to the augment as he does in the case of a suffix. Both the augmented and augmentless past indicatives do not exhibit any difference in their meanings. A meaningful augment would have necessarily brought about a difference in their meanings. A meaningless augment cannot furnish the past tense with meaning.

Further it does not stand aloof like ' nu' or 'maa'; it is a part and parcel of the verb. The augment alone bears the accent (P VI.4.71) and not any other vowel forming part of the augmented past tense form; this fact is indeed a strong proof of its being an integral part of the past tense verb. The analogy of the augment therefore becomes irrelevant in the present context.

The augmentless indicative, the injunctive and the subjunctive forms of a good number of roots are identical and therefore a confusion regarding their identity is bound to prevail. In such instance the context is a safe guide in identifying the mood of the form in question.

Mr. Baum has accepted in no uncertain terms that Panini had a thorough knowledge of the formal aspect of the injunctive. He has also confessed that he cannot say anything about Panini's acquaintance with the functional aspect i.e., he is unable to give a decisive reply.

Therefore Witzel's allegation that Panini was ignorant of the Vedic injunctive crumbles into nothing since he cannot obtain the eagerly expected assent from Baum's comments.

Baum's attempt to discover inaccuracy in my descriptions of the functions of injunctive and the indicative has not been attended with success; on the other hand it is a thorough failure. I have proved that my description of the functions of the injunctive and the indicative are strictly in accordance with Panini's definitions and therefore accurate – illustrating by extensively quoting, at every step, the usages in the Rigveda Samhita.

Not only when attributing inaccuracy to my description of the functions of the injunctive and indicative, but throughout his comments he is not sure of what he is articulating. His comments abound in such vague utterances as 'probably never', 'do not really behave very much', 'may sometimes be used', 'mostly in cases where', 'probably secondary', 'apparently never used', 'I believe' and 'in general lacks verbal categories' which will land the reader nowhere. This uncertainty is perfectly in conformity with his opening statement 'I cannot comment whether or not' etc. In short, Baum is unable to pronounce anything about my article.

Witzel's conveniently ignoring the subject and calling me deficient in grammar will never confer on him proficiency in grammar. Could he establish that I am deficient in grammar? It is only to conceal his deficiency that he freely and frequently resorts to personal attacks. His knowledge of Sanskrit grammar is questionable; what to speak of his proficiency? He should not forget the English proverb: 'Those who live in glass houses should not throw stone at others'.

He is an unrivalled adept in slinging mud at others and his articles contain only personal attacks. The Open Page, 'The Hindu' dated March 12, 2003 reads "Witzel's present article reads personal rather than academic presentation" -- " for an unbiased reader the whole article reads a personal attack on an individual writer and exhibits certain amount of impatience to listen to the other view".

Witzel by himself could not deliver any message on the matter under discussion. Nor could he gain enlightenment from Baum.

My thesis stands unshaken.


Alas, Panini was not a German!

By Dr. V. Swaminathan

15th June 2003


[This article is a sequel to Part I and Part II of Dr. Swaminathan's critique of Professor Witzel's misunderstandings of Panini's grammar. Much of Professor Witzel's counter-response, contained in the April 2003 archives of the Indology and the Indo-Iranian discussion lists, comprises of personal attack and abuse. In this sequel, Dr. Swaminathan addresses the counter-response of Professor Witzel. – Bharatvani Team].

Witzel's response to my article "Panini's Understanding of Vedic Grammar" abounds in abusive and ignorant personal attack on me. The language he employs here is more aggressive than in his response to my previous article. It is clear that Witzel is very intolerant of those whose views run counter to his own pet views. Dr. Paul Kiparsky has drawn attention to his rude and crude attitude towards other reasonable and courteous scholars. I am not a lone victim of his violent and discourteous attacks. All the scholars who have contribute articles on Indological topics to the Open Page, ' The Hindu' are made victims for the mere reason that they hold views quite different from his. This fact has been highlighted in an article that appeared in the Open Page, The Hindu dated March 12, 2002. If he desires to have a calm and truly scientific investigation he must use respectful and polite language. Courtesy is not confined to one-way traffic; it is reciprocal.

From my references to Macdonell's Vedic Grammar he should have come to know that I am acquainted with the nature of Vedic verb system as understood by European scholars. His charge that I (a student of Panini's grammar) have no idea of Vedic verb system amounts to saying that Panini is not aware of the nature of the Vedic verb system. This is nothing short of a defamatory statement. Panini had understood the facts of the Vedic language in one way. The European Orientalists had understood the same in a different way and this would not lead to a presumption of Panini's lack of knowledge of the Vedic verb system.

If a clarification on matters indispensable for a better understanding of the topic on hand does not belong to a scholarly discussion, could we consider the torrents of abuse he emits as absolutely essential items in a scholarly discussion? Under the baseless assumption that I do not have sufficient knowledge of Sanskrit grammar and the Veda, he often resorts to delivering sermons and tendering advices. It appears that Witzel is endowed with an intellect that can predict and prejudge the content of my article even before having a look at it. His prejudice is echoed in his comments on my articles everywhere.

He is not afraid of making statements that are incorrect. For instance, he says - "There is a large university library fairly close by ". Could he tell which university has built up a large library close to Trichur, and where? Is he sure that the books he recommends are available in the 'large library' he has mentioned?

Imaginary Rgveda:

Witzel's declaration, "He (Panini) and Sayana do not know of the injunctive" requires to be supported by a specific example from the RigVeda, which alone could establish Panini's ignorance of the injunctive beyond any ray of doubt. Otherwise his declaration will turn out to be an utterly false statement. Therefore anybody would expect the passage " Indro him han" to be an actual citation from the Rigveda. In this circumstance, I pointed out that the cited passage was not to be found at all in the RigVeda. Any impartial reader would consider this a matter-of-fact statement. Further I did not make use of it to base any conclusion which Witzel might take as hurting to his sentiments. This is clear from the following statement … " Our concern here is only with han and not with the passage of which han is a member".

But he confounds a statement-of-fact with a statement of accusation. And then, he proceeds to use insulting language, which is not becoming of the highly responsible position he is holding in an outstanding university.

A stock phrase meaning 'Indra's killing the dragon' can never serve as unfailing evidence. To ascribe Panini (an author of unquestionable authority) the ignorance of the 'real function of the injunctive', it is his bounden duty to refer to a concrete example as evidence – a passage containing the injunctive form of han. The stock phrase 'Indro him han' could never mean "Indra's killing the dragon" since there exists no syntactical relation between Indra and han (killing). [Killing is the meaning of the root han and it can never enter into syntactical relation with a noun in the nominative case, Indra]. It is not a meaningful phrase and as such can never become an archetype of any meaningful _expression. It is also ridiculous to articulate that Indra's killing the dragon was a fact well known to the people inhabiting the vast stretch of land lying between England and Japan, at the time of the composition of the Rigveda. Comparative mythologies of vast geographical areas cannot necessarily solve problems related to technicalities of Sanskrit grammar. Therefore, Witzel's new 'argument' is merely a cleverly designed afterthought to absolve oneself from an imagined accusation.

To say that it is highly impossible to use diacritical marks and marks indicating svara in a news paper is totally irrelevant. Nobody ever complained about the absence of diacritical marks and marks for the svara in the first place . In fact, it was I who had located the consecutive use of at least two words ahim and han in RigVeda.V-29-2, an approximation to the passage mentioned by Witzel.

The verse yad ahim han RigVeda.V-29-2 will have to be cruelly tortured to yield the meaning ascribed to it by Witzel - 'who is it here that killed the dragon but Indra'? There is no evidence to transform the simple affirmative into a negative interrogative importing words neither required by nor implied in this context. The verse narrates the events of the past employing verbs in the past tense (with the prefix 'a') and as such there is no reason to take han as an injunctive. Therefore han is only a past tense verb, i.e. imperfect. It is significant to note, in this connection, that the next verse uses the past tense 'ahan ahim' while referring to the killing of the dragon. Unfortunately Witzel is not aware of the contextual setting of han in RigVeda.II-29-2.

On the remark ' several key sentences in his paper are wrong':

Panini was aware of the existence of the non-augmented past tense forms ( P.VI.4.75) and also their modal sense (P.III.4.6): but he has not employed any special term to refer to the injunctive for the reasons I had mentioned in my article. I have stated this fact in very clear terms, "Panini had seen and recorded in his grammar the Vedic usage of the unaugmented imperfect, aorist and pluperfect in the sense of the injunctive, subjunctive, imperative, optative or precative ". I also invited the attention of the reader to the concurrence of the European orientalists. A.A. Macdonell; "In sense the forms that drop the augment are either indicative or injunctive", "The general meaning of the injunctive expresses a desire combining the senses of the subjunctive, the optative and the imperative ". I may add here another statement of Macdonell, "The injunctive is identical in form with an un-augmented past tense (impf. aor. plup)".

Unless Witzel had produced sufficient evidence to the contrary, he should not have had substantiated his remarks on the key sentences he has picked up. Could he establish that the injunctive, in form, is not identical with an augmentless past tense? Could he demonstrate that the injunctive, nowhere in the Veda, conveys the sense of the subjunctive, imperative, optative and precative? He may unhesitatingly say that Panini is wrong. But could he say the same with respect to Macdonell, the author of one of the most comprehensive Vedic Grammar ever written in a modern European tongue?

In light of the above facts "mentioning (well known facts)" may be one among the functions of the injunctive, if at all such a function exists. But it cannot have any claim to be the only function. Therefore Witzel cannot debar the augmentless past tense forms from performing their other functions i.e. the functions of, subjunctive, imperative, optative and precative.

In his remark he has uttered the word 'wrong' thrice. Mere repetition of the word 'wrong' cannot invalidate established and irrefutable facts or alter the nature of things. Here I am reminded of Vacaspati Misra's (polymath of the 9 th century India) words, "Even one thousand scriptural statements cannot transform a jar into a piece of cloth". What then, should one say of prejudiced statements?

On a Study of Karl Hoffman's Treatise on the Injunctive

Not infrequently do Witzel and Baum recommend a reading of Karl Hoffman's book, Der Injunktive im Veda, that is written in German. Since a good number of scholars have not learnt German they may find it convenient to use Hoffman's name as a magic wand to eliminate others from any discussion on the injunctive. From a study of Hoffman one may indeed gather his views on the injunctive in addition to the existing views. But what is its value in assessing Panini's work? At the most Hoffman may add something more to Panini's description of the injunctive. His decisions cannot falsify Panini's account of the injunctive. Hoffman's views cannot be considered as settled once for all ( siddhanta). Several theories on indological subjects propounded by the Indologists of a former era have been proved incorrect and inadequate by later Indologists. Even in modern science, Newton's theory on light and Dalton's atomic theory have been modified by later discoveries. Bhartrhari says, "Anything propounded by men of gifted intellect, by means of weighty arguments, stands assailed by men endowed with intellect of a higher order ".

Witzel's intense bhakti towards his guru is indeed praiseworthy; but unfortunately it has gone to the extent of blurring his vision. Blind faith has prevented him from seeing things in the proper perspective. Which is why, he does not hesitate to say "Panini was unaware of the real function of the injunctive form".

I see no point in Baum's repeated statement that 'any discussion of the injunctive without reference to Hoffman's work is pointless' in as much as it will afford little help for a better understanding of injunctive as defined by Panini. I repeat my earlier statement that Panini stands on his own legs and that he does not stand in need of support or corroboration from any external source. A study of Hoffman will post me with a complete picture of his approach to and treatment of the injunctive and nothing more. It is a matter of surprise in no small measure that Baum ventures a discussion of the injunctive without a study of Panini. Baum's reaction - Finally I think that to argue with anyone who sums up his argument with " I have proved that my description of the functions of the indicative and the injunctive is strictly in accordance with Panini's definition and therefore accurate" is also pretty pointless. Such an attitude indicates that a knowledge of Panini is not at all required in a discussion on the injunctive. Baum has confessed that he had not studied Panini, and I believe that a discussion of the injunctive without a study of Panini is pointless.

One N. Ganesan whose knowledge of Sanskrit – not to speak of the Veda and the Injunctive – is non-existent, had arrogated to make a derogatory remarks against my academic accomplishments. The behaviour of this ignoramus entering the camp of Witzel and Baum is intriguing and his playing second fiddling to them exposes his sinister motives. I am told that he shows no appreciation for non-Tamil elements of Indian culture, exaggerates the contributions of Christian missionaries in India, habitually sides with anti-Indian scholars against how fellow countrymen, maintains a positive (or at least a neutral) stance on views that promote dismemberment of India, and spews hatred against Brahmins on various Internet forums.

Hoffman's treatise on the injunctive remains literally a sealed book to most of the scholars in the field of Indology. If Witzel and Baum consider Hoffman's book as a most precious text from which scholars could be profit, they ought to popularize the same by bringing out an authentic English translation of it. Today, i.e., in the post World War II period, English has gained the status of world language. Even in the 19th century, German scholars like T. Goldstucker and F. Max Muller wrote in English for the benefit of the scholars at large. It is hoped that they will arrange for an early publication of the English translation of Hoffman. That would be the best way in which Witzel could indeed show his bhakti for his Guru.

All the time, Hoffman's book has remained an impregnable fortress offering protection to Witzel, Baum and other like-minded scholars. But Dr. Paul Kiparsky has discovered several inadequacies in the work, as is evident from his postings on the Indo-Iranian list. It is also significant to note that Baum, pointing to certain lapses in Hoffman's book, has demonstrated that he too would not ditto to everything that Hoffman had said. I do note however, that Daniel Baum expressed his reservations on Hoffman's views only after Dr. Kiparsky had already done so. As long as I, an Indian, alone had dismissed Hoffman's views, Baum kept his silence and continued to tolerate insulting remarks made against me on his discussion list. Apparently different standards apply depending on whether the person insulted is an Indian or whether he is a European.


The sentence "He (Panini) and Sayana did not know of the injunctive " (Open Page, The Hindu, August 6, 2002) is unambiguous and there can be no two opinions regarding its meanings i.e., it cannot have a meaning other than 'Panini is ignorant of the injunctive'. Referring to the relevant rules of Panini, I proved that Panini was fully aware of the injunctive in both of its aspects – morphological and functional i.e., Panini is not ignorant of the injunctive as Witzel claims. Now Witzel says that what he intended by the sentence was that 'Panini did not recognize that the injunctive indeed forms a separate verbal category' . This explanatory sentence would mean, beyond any doubt, 'Panini knows the injunctive; but he was not aware of its forming a separate verbal category'. By offering this new auto-commentary, Witzel would like to liberate himself from the 'charge of attribution of ignorance to Panini'. But the wary reader can see easily that by no stretch of imagination, the earlier sentence of his can never yield this meaning; this is a meaning that is forced upon the sentence by Witzel as an afterthought.

Further, I had also adduced the reason why Panini had not recognized the Injunctive as a separate verbal category. It must be borne in mind that the meaning he has offered would become acceptable only if he had questioned the dependability of the reason I had stated. He had not done that. As such the meaning he has offered cannot be taken as the real meaning.

Furthermore, the acceptance of the meaning will go only to disprove his original thesis " the Indus script has disappeared ---- and many of the sub-continental languages have disappeared". In favour of this thesis he finds a parallel in the disappearance of several grammatical forms of the Rigveda. This disappearance of a good number of grammatical forms of the Rigveda is sought to be established by Panini's ignorance of the injunctive. When Panini's awareness of the injunctive becomes an indisputable fact (according to the meaning given by Witzel), Panini's ignorance of the Injunctive becomes null and void. Therefore Panini's alleged ignorance of the Injunctive cannot be cited as an example in evidence of the disappearance of several grammatical forms.

Witzel feels that my telling him that 'it is not fair on his part to attribute ignorance to a renowned grammarian like Panini ' is offensive and that I am not allowed to say so in 2003. But in 2003 he thinks that he is at full liberty to hurl at me such objectionable and disparaging remarks stating that I am 'lacking the spirit of calm, true investigation' and 'unenlightened and not free from the shackles of oppressive tradition'. He is not satisfied with this much alone. He reprimands me with uncivilized and undignified expressions such as 'fool', 'silly ', 'deficient in grammar', 'unaware of', 'fifty years behind' and so on. Needless to say, he seems to suffer from the presumption that India is still under British colonial rule and therefore he, as a fellow European, can afford to be disrespectful to Indian scholars equal in academic rank to him. He seems to be unaware of the fact that colonialism has evaporated from the surface of the earth long ago.

I really wonder if Witzel would have dismissed Panini in such a cavalier way, were the grammarian a fellow German!